The Origins of Syntax in Discourse: A Case Study of Tok Pisin Relatives

Sankoff, Gillian; Brown, Penelope

doi:10.2307/412723

Cited by 249 publications

(69 citation statements)

References 11 publications

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“…Sankoff and Brown ~1980) report that iA (from English 'here'), originally a locative adverb, has now acquired both a deictic function -example (1) below -and a relative clause bracketing function -example (2) below:…”

Section: A Functionalist Analysis Of Il Developmentmentioning

confidence: 99%

Origins of Complex Syntax in Interlanguage Development

Sato

1988

Stud Sec Lang Acq

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Functionalist analyses of interlanguage (IL) development have been concerned to establish the discoursepragmatic foundations of morphosyntax. A number of domains have been investigated in such work, including referentiality, topiccomment encoding, and temporal reference. The present study extends the focus to the encoding of simple and complex propositions in IL. · Through a longitudinal analysis of conversational data from two Vietnamese learners of American English, the study examines propositional syntax with direct reference to discoursepragmatic factors in face-to-face interaction, in particular, to learners' reliance on the collaboration of their (Englishspeaking) interlocutors. Syntacticization -movement from highly context-dependent, •paratactic• speech to more explicit, morphosyntactically enco9ed speech -is observed in (1) high proportions of propositional utterances in both learners' speech, (2) a tendency to distribute propositional content over single utterances, and (3) little interlocutor collaboration in the encoding of complex propositions. Parataxis is found in the encoding of complex propositions: a low rate of multipropositional utterances (MPOs) is observed throughout the study, as well as a preference for juxtaposed rather than morphologically bound MPUs. Of note is a difference in the developmental paths of complementation and modification. Production of the former but not the latter appears to be facilitated by the existence of specific lexical entry points.

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Section: A Functionalist Analysis Of Il Developmentmentioning

confidence: 99%

Origins of Complex Syntax in Interlanguage Development

Sato

1988

Stud Sec Lang Acq

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“…It has been identified in Tok Pisin by Sankoff and Brown (1980), though in variant forms, within the context of early creolization. An alternation between pronominalization and deletion of co-referential NP's occurs also in Tok Pisin relatives, and is explained in terms of the extension of the functions of the English morpheme here borrowed into Tok Pisin as ia.…”

Section: Variations In Relativizationmentioning

confidence: 98%

Topic Structures As Language Universals

Escure

1988

JPCL

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The continuous process of language mixing which takes place in the development of creole continua is particularly suited to favor the emergence of language universals. Topic-comment structures are found to be extensively used in English-based Caribbean basilects. Furthermore, topic prominence is also characteristic of the mesolectal and acrolectal varieties acquired by native speakers of creole vernaculars. Topic strategies are identified as they occur throughout the continuum, and in particular as they extend to other structures. More specifically, dislocation strategies are found to spread relativization through the circuitous route of relexified topic particles. It is argued that if there is a "bioprogram" (Bickerton 1981), it might be reflected not only in creole grammars, but also, and perhaps more extensively still, in the strategies represented in the contiguous acrolects, as well as in other situations involving conflicting linguistic systems.

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“…Strategy [a], described in detail in Sankoff & Brown (1976), is colloquial (the particle is there spelled ia), and is not found in the corpus. It does not belong to VSTP, since the y a strategy serves unanticipated processing needs of speaker and/or hearer with regard to old and new NP topics in impromptu oral conversation.…”

Section: Clausal Relativizationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Here is what should be a fairly complete list of relevant items: Dutton (1973Dutton ( , 1985, Faraclas (1988Faraclas ( , 1990, Franklin (1980), Hall (1943Hall ( , 1966, Keesing (1988), Laycock (1974), Mihalic (1971), Mosel (1980), Mühl-häusler (1985Mühl-häusler ( , 1987Mühl-häusler ( , 1989Mühl-häusler ( , 1990, Sankoff & Brown (1976), Smeall (1975), Walsh (1978), Woolford (1979a), and Wurm (1971). Most of these descriptions concentrate on phonological and syntactic environments.…”

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confidence: 99%

The Function of I in Tok Pisin

Verhaar

1991

JPCL

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The use of the Tok Pisin particle i, traditionally known as the "predicate marker," is shown to be overwhelmingly subject to two constraints, i.e., that of "nondeictic" use (as controlled by subject arguments), and that of "resumptive" use, with the latter sometimes overriding the former. Here, nondeictic means any nonpronominal or pronominal nonfirst and nonsecond person NP. The hypothesis concerning the first constraint seems weakened by apparent counterevidence in the use of i as triggered by -pela pronouns, by the failure of prima facie nondeictic subjects in equa-tional constructions to trigger the use of i, and by the use of i with follow-up verbs in serial constructions and with downstairs verbs in causative constructions. However, all these apparent exceptions are shown either to serve primarily resumptive rules or to be in fact compatible with the non-deixis rule. A corollary reviews openness of i to reanalysis as a copula.

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The Origins of Syntax in Discourse: A Case Study of Tok Pisin Relatives

Cited by 249 publications

References 11 publications

Origins of Complex Syntax in Interlanguage Development

Origins of Complex Syntax in Interlanguage Development

Topic Structures As Language Universals

The Function of I in Tok Pisin

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