The OSCE Mission in Bosnia and Herzegovina: Testing the limits of ownership

Abstract

This article explores the debate on local ownership in Bosnia and Herzegovina by examining the limits of international community support for reform in a divided political environment in which decision-makers and politicians have little to no interest in reform themselves. After a short review of the key issues and arguments regarding ownership in BiH, the example of education reform is presented to demonstrate the role of the OSCE as an external actor in this reform sector, and the lack of any reform progress in this field in the absence of external pressure. The article closes with reflections on whether or not external organizations can make any systemic-level impact in such a hostile reform environment, and whether the OSCE can still play a constructive role in Bosnia.

Lessons for blue degrowth from Namibia’s emerging blue economy

“…Data is not readily shared between, or within, ministries and MFMR are the only ministry with access to vessels to monitor projects within the marine sphere. 17 The incoherence around the agenda, coupled with the associated ministerial fragmentation, as well as the lack of supporting structures required to enable the navigation of such formalisation, indicates that Namibia's level of control over is blue economy agenda could be classed as "functional ownership" as opposed to "structural ownership" (see Perry and Keil 2013: 375 for discussions of local ownership). Functional ownership may involve local actors in the implementation of projects or the allocation of funding, but the involvement in the planning stage is limited.…”

‘Sistem te laže!’: the anti‐ruling class mobilisation of high school students in Bosnia and Herzegovina

“…People who were forcibly displaced from their previous multiethnic community often saw their town dominated by another ethnic group. In many instances, local politicians and international reconciliation organisations created a ‘Two Schools’ situation to, in their view, prevent uncomfortable ethnic tensions between Bosnian Croats and returning Bosniaks (Perry and Keil ). The two high schools in Jajce, however, remained organised along the Croat curriculum, despite high numbers of Bosniak returnee children.…”

Security Aspects of Fostering the Dominance of Politics Over Education in Bosnia and Herzegovina

“…(Office of the High Representative -OHR, 2005). However, the primary shortcoming of the agreement was the emphasis on a truce, leaving B&H in a 'frozen conflict' (Perry & Keil, 2012), where the issues that caused the conflict remained unaddressed, with the territory being divided between occupying forces (Magas, 1998). On the other hand, concerning education and other cultural policies, much room was left for discrimination and differing interpretations.…”