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The era of the Board of Longitude's existence, between 1714 and 1828, was also a remarkable period in the history of Russia's navy. At the beginning of the eighteenth century, Tsar Peter I set about reforming the Russian military following disastrous campaigns in the Great Northern War with Sweden, and created a substantial Baltic fleet centred on the new capital, St Petersburg. 1 To provide expertise for training sailors on Russian ships, Peter turned west, and in particular to Britain. These efforts inaugurated a steady traffic of experts and students between Britain and Russia in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries which helped transform Russian navigation practices into a form resembling, and sometimes advancing on, those of Britain. This essay explores the British role in developing Russian navigation and makes three arguments. First, while the Russians evidently relied greatly on British expertise during this period, the traffic was not one way. Russian institutions provided theoretical expertise, practical experimental resources, and generous patronage that played a role in shaping British solutions to navigational problems including finding longitude at sea. Russians were not passive recipients of British expertise, and some techniques, at least, emerged from transnational co-operation and the circulation of knowledge. 2 Second, an examination of the techniques used to navigate on Russian ships makes clear that officers did not rely on any single method, such as an accurate chronometer, but used several This situation changed in the reign of Tsar Peter I (c.1698-1725), who encouraged navigational education in Russia as part of an effort to build up a new imperial navy with newfound access to the Baltic via St Petersburg, the new port capital founded in 1703. Peter was personally interested in western navigation and studied with the Dutch master Jan Albertusz van Dam during a visit to the Dutch Republic in 1697. 7 He trusted foreigners to improve navigation in Russia and often positioned navigation at the forefront of broader educational reforms. Russian students were sent abroad to Venice and Dalmatia in the 1690s to learn navigation. 8 In 1701 Peter opened a School of Navigation in Moscow, while Russia's first book on navigation, published the same year, derived from the sea-manuals of the Dutch writer Abraham de Graaf. 9 Despite this Dutch connection, Peter chose to hire Scots and English to run the new Moscow school, reflecting both the high reputation of British navigation and a tradition of hiring Scots to serve in the Russian court. 10 Heading the new school was the mathematician and astronomer Henry Farquharson of Marischal College, Aberdeen, together with two alumni of the Royal Mathematical School at Christ's Hospital -Stephen Gwyn and Richard Price. Ryan has traced the history of the Moscow School of Navigation and notes that it was one of the first institutions to teach geometry, trigonometry and astronomy in Russia, to some 200 students aged between 12 and 17. 11 An extant manusc...
The era of the Board of Longitude's existence, between 1714 and 1828, was also a remarkable period in the history of Russia's navy. At the beginning of the eighteenth century, Tsar Peter I set about reforming the Russian military following disastrous campaigns in the Great Northern War with Sweden, and created a substantial Baltic fleet centred on the new capital, St Petersburg. 1 To provide expertise for training sailors on Russian ships, Peter turned west, and in particular to Britain. These efforts inaugurated a steady traffic of experts and students between Britain and Russia in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries which helped transform Russian navigation practices into a form resembling, and sometimes advancing on, those of Britain. This essay explores the British role in developing Russian navigation and makes three arguments. First, while the Russians evidently relied greatly on British expertise during this period, the traffic was not one way. Russian institutions provided theoretical expertise, practical experimental resources, and generous patronage that played a role in shaping British solutions to navigational problems including finding longitude at sea. Russians were not passive recipients of British expertise, and some techniques, at least, emerged from transnational co-operation and the circulation of knowledge. 2 Second, an examination of the techniques used to navigate on Russian ships makes clear that officers did not rely on any single method, such as an accurate chronometer, but used several This situation changed in the reign of Tsar Peter I (c.1698-1725), who encouraged navigational education in Russia as part of an effort to build up a new imperial navy with newfound access to the Baltic via St Petersburg, the new port capital founded in 1703. Peter was personally interested in western navigation and studied with the Dutch master Jan Albertusz van Dam during a visit to the Dutch Republic in 1697. 7 He trusted foreigners to improve navigation in Russia and often positioned navigation at the forefront of broader educational reforms. Russian students were sent abroad to Venice and Dalmatia in the 1690s to learn navigation. 8 In 1701 Peter opened a School of Navigation in Moscow, while Russia's first book on navigation, published the same year, derived from the sea-manuals of the Dutch writer Abraham de Graaf. 9 Despite this Dutch connection, Peter chose to hire Scots and English to run the new Moscow school, reflecting both the high reputation of British navigation and a tradition of hiring Scots to serve in the Russian court. 10 Heading the new school was the mathematician and astronomer Henry Farquharson of Marischal College, Aberdeen, together with two alumni of the Royal Mathematical School at Christ's Hospital -Stephen Gwyn and Richard Price. Ryan has traced the history of the Moscow School of Navigation and notes that it was one of the first institutions to teach geometry, trigonometry and astronomy in Russia, to some 200 students aged between 12 and 17. 11 An extant manusc...
Courts that perform well are the cornerstone of the rule of law and democratic development. When courts are perceived as legalistic, fair, impartial, and independent of the influence of extrajudicial actors, aggrieved individuals are more likely to pursue litigation over other, potentially unlawful, alternatives. Using original data from surveys of more than 1,800 randomly sampled lawyers in 12 Russian cities, we investigate the effects of perceived government funding and power diversification on a variety of indicators of perceived judicial performance. We find that, according to lawyers, financial dependence on the national government has no independent effect on judicial performance, but financial dependence on local governments has consistently significant negative effects. We also find that diversified political power has consistently significant positive effects on perceived judicial performance, probably because the diversification makes courts seem less vulnerable to unified pressure from political actors.
The article is devoted to the critical analysis of the foreign historiography of the foundation of the St. Petersburg Academy of Sciences. The authors focus on German and Anglo-American historiographic traditions. The authors analyze the works of M. Posselt, V. Stieda, A. Vucinich, S. Werrett, M. Gordin and others. The article shows the the development of approaches to the highlighting of the problem of the foundation of the St. Petersburg Academy of Sciences. The Western historiography was initially dominated by German historians of science who were mostly interested in the role of foreigners (primarily Germans) in the history of the foundation of the Academy of Sciences. The authors of the article show that German historians followed the approach developed in Russian pre-revolutionary historiography. However, both British and American historians of science worked within this approach in the 1950–1970s. In this regard, the authors of the article draw attention to the interpretation of the history of Russian science by A. Vucinich and show its relations to the positivist historiography. An important result of the study concerns the identification of the fact that transformation in the Western historiography of the foundation of the Academy of Sciences was associated with new posmodern methodological strategies in cultural studies and in sociology. Theauthors show that contemporary Anglo-American historians tend to use the social analysis of M. Foucault, N. Elias and other influential contemporary sociologists, which significantly enriches the historiography of the foundation of the Academy of Sciences.
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