The paradox of poor representation: How voter–party incongruence curbs affective polarisation

Marchal, Nahema; Watson, David S.

doi:10.1177/13691481211048502

Cited by 5 publications

(1 citation statement)

References 108 publications

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“…Affective polarization affects the weakening of partisan identity, and in recent years, there have been partisans who dislike their own party [21]. In the study by Marchal [22], it is shown that incongruence with one's own party, especially on prominent personal issues, curbs affective polarization by fostering positive evaluations of the opposition and negative evaluations from within the party. Individuals distance themselves from supporters of opposing political parties when they perceive a threat to their ingroup and react with anger [23].…”

Section: Affective Polarizationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Affective Polarization: Not Always Between Ingroup Vs Outgroup (Evidence from Twitter Conversation with Keywords Jokowi and PDIP)

Putri,

Setiyono,

Yuwono

et al. 2023

E3S Web Conf.

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The current development of information technology has transformed the form of public participation in politics. Political participation not only occurs in the real world but also in virtual spaces, and this is a manifestation of a smart society. Forms of political participation in virtual spaces, such as those observed on social media, give rise to the phenomenon of affective polarization, which is polarization based on likes and dislikes between internal and external groups. While some scholars have focused on affective polarization in the context of ingroup and outgroup dynamics within social media, there is still limited research on polarization occurring within the same ingroup. This study aims to address this gap by examining the phenomenon of affective polarization on Twitter, using the keywords 'PDIP' and 'Jokowi.' These hashtags emerged as reactions to a video segment of Megawati's speech that criticized Jokowi. By employing sentiment and content analysis on 964 tweets and user accounts, we found that 67% of Twitter users expressed negative sentiments towards Megawati's remarks about Jokowi, and these Twitter users included both Jokowi's supporters and neutral users. This result demonstrates that affective polarization not only occurs between internal and external groups but can also happen within the same group. These findings contribute to the advancement of research on affective polarization in the online context.

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Section: Affective Polarizationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Affective Polarization: Not Always Between Ingroup Vs Outgroup (Evidence from Twitter Conversation with Keywords Jokowi and PDIP)

Putri,

Setiyono,

Yuwono

et al. 2023

E3S Web Conf.

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(Mis)perception of party congruence and satisfaction with democracy

Carroll,

Liao,

Tang

2024

PSRM

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This study examines how voters’ perceptions of ideological incongruence with political parties affect their satisfaction with democracy. Using panel data from the British Election Study, we first demonstrate that greater misperception of party positions correlates with higher perceived ideological distance from one's preferred party. We then show that this increased perceived incongruence is associated with lower satisfaction with democracy when controlling for objective measures of incongruence. These findings are consistent across several alternative measures and specifications, and similar results are found in cross-sectional data from Europe. The results suggest that subjective perceptions of representation, potentially distorted by misperceptions, play a role in shaping citizens’ attitudes toward the political system. While the limitations of the study warrant caution in interpretation, the study contributes to the literature by highlighting the importance of perceived ideological congruence for understanding the link between representation and satisfaction with democracy.

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Predictors of partisan strength and in-party affect: a scoping review

Shi,

Wang,

Goh

et al. 2024

Humanit Soc Sci Commun

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Recent years have seen a global surge in affective polarization, extending from the US to European and Asian democracies. Concurrently, empirical research proliferates, exploring factors driving this rise, with significant focus on aspects like partisan strength and in-party affective attitude. This scoping review sheds light on investigated predictors of partisan strength and in-party affect and associated mechanisms of influence on the two key outcomes to better our understanding of affective polarization and the current research in the field. Employing a standardized search protocol across nine databases, we reviewed 26,148 reports, yielding 32 eligible reports with 50 studies and 56 predictors. Using common themes and theories between predictors as anchors for categorization, we found that: 1) providing platform information or engaging in active political discussion strengthens partisan strength, particularly when information allows clear comparison between parties; 2) selective recall and interpretation bolster in-party affect and partisan strength, with the information’s susceptibility to manipulation moderating the effect of selective interpretation or on in-party affect; 3) subjective and objective sorting strengthens the two key outcomes, but objective membership in social group is critical for effect of sorting on partisan strength, and that identity moderate each other’s impact of elicited cross-pressure; 4) party identity salience and the context thereof boosts partisan strength; 5) the effect of need for closure and authoritarianism on partisan strength likely depends on voter demographics, however, the NFA and authoritarianism positively correlates to in-party affect across demographics; 6) factors enhancing group-centric thinking intensify the two key outcomes, and factors enhancing issue-based thinking (e.g., having independent parents) reduces them; 7) ideological and issue misalignment diminishes the two outcomes; 8) the structure of partisan attitude varies across partisan strength, with contrasting evidence on whether leaners are influenced primarily by instrumental or a combination of affective and instrumental attitudes towards in-party; 9) interventions aimed at enhancing interparty cohesion have limited impact on the two outcomes; 10) stronger partisans are also more consistent and loyal voters. We also identified significant limitations and opportunities in the existing research methodology. We encourage future studies to justify the use of specific operationalizations as there is now an expanding list of operationalization driven by distinct underlying theories. Studies should also perform preliminary validation of mechanisms other than theoretical explanations. Overall, our review provided a preliminary categorization of predictors to articulate empirical gaps in the literature, establish narratives to enhance systematic growth of the topic, and provide insight to drive successful interventions for reducing polarization.

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The paradox of poor representation: How voter–party incongruence curbs affective polarisation

Cited by 5 publications

References 108 publications

Affective Polarization: Not Always Between Ingroup Vs Outgroup (Evidence from Twitter Conversation with Keywords Jokowi and PDIP)

Affective Polarization: Not Always Between Ingroup Vs Outgroup (Evidence from Twitter Conversation with Keywords Jokowi and PDIP)

(Mis)perception of party congruence and satisfaction with democracy

Predictors of partisan strength and in-party affect: a scoping review

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