The Philippine presidency in Southeast Asian perspective: imperiled and imperious presidents but not perilous presidentialism

Thompson, Mark R.

doi:10.1080/13569775.2017.1413503

Cited by 8 publications

(5 citation statements)

References 42 publications

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“…Notwithstanding some features of a parliamentary system, most notably the presence of the prime minister, the South Korean president is often referred to as an “imperial president” because of his or her overwhelming political power and authority for policy implementation (Lim and Roh, 2020: 27). Thus, considering that presidentialism is prone to generating a personalized political arrangement (Linz, 1990; Thompson, 2018), examining the family information of South Korean presidents and comparing it to other presidential systems is an appropriate staring point to measure the country's degree of political dynastization.…”

Section: Is Political ‘Dynastization’ Deepening In South Korea?mentioning

confidence: 99%

Justifiable narratives: The rise and fall of family politicians in South Korea

Park

2023

Asian Journal of Comparative Politics

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Like other Asian democracies, family politics is not unknown to South Korea. The triumph of Park Geun–hye, daughter of former authoritarian ruler Park Chung–hee, in the 2012 presidential election was in particular interpreted as a precursor of ‘dynastization’ in Korean politics. Nevertheless, up to the present day, political families in South Korea have been significantly less successful in securing offices through electoral competition than their Asian counterparts. Using extensive evidence from statistical and documentary sources, I argue the following: First, South Korean family politicians are more likely to face unfavorable popular sentiment towards their candidacies in elections than family politicians in other Asian democracies. Second, in addition to inheriting their predecessors' political advantages, they are required to enhance their own electoral appeal by properly justifying that their electoral participation is compatible with popular demands for meritocracy and procedural fairness. This argument highlighting politico–cultural requirements, or what I call justifiable narratives, for dynastic succession is empirically supported by case studies of four South Korean family politicians.

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Section: Is Political ‘Dynastization’ Deepening In South Korea?mentioning

confidence: 99%

Justifiable narratives: The rise and fall of family politicians in South Korea

Park

2023

Asian Journal of Comparative Politics

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“…Second, the EDSA Republic does not have a good record on human rights, including the issues related to extrajudicial killings and press freedom. 71 During the EDSA period, human rights institutions were continuously undermined and marginalised. The difference in the period under review is that while the EDSA Republic was guilty of an institutional assault on human rights, through deliberate neglect or otherwise, Duterte's authoritarian populism is a bold and vocal attack on both the institutions and ideas of human rights.…”

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confidence: 99%

The Philippines 2017: Duterte-led authoritarian populism and its liberal-democratic roots

Juego

2023

Asia Maior

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Before being published in Asia Maior, all articles, whether commissioned or unsolicited, after being first evaluated by the Journal's editors, are then submitted to a double-blind peer review involving up to three anonymous referees. Coherently with the double-blind peer review process, Asia Maior does not make public the name of the reviewers. However, their namesand, if need be, the whole correspondence between the journal's editors and the reviewer/s -can be disclosed to interested institutions, upon a formal request made directly to the Director of the journal.Articles meant for publication should be sent to Michelguglielmo Torri (

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“…The Philippines can be characterised as a case of pure presidentialism where there is strict institutional separation between the president and the congress, and both are elected separately with fixed terms (Thompson, 2017). This institutional set up makes the government prone to gridlock due to the absence of a democratic principle that can resolve conflict between two electorally mandated bodies (Linz, 1990).…”

Section: Presidential Influence Over Legislation In the Philippinesmentioning

confidence: 99%

A Philippine Strongman's Legislative and Constitutional Reforms Legacy

Yusingco

Mendoza

et al. 2022

Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs

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This article examines five years of legislation and constitutional reform under former President Rodrigo R. Duterte. An overview of post-1986 republic acts shows administrations being more successful in legislating social and economic laws than political laws. President Duterte is no exception to this, yet his presidency stands out in both legislative productivity and the passage of long-overdue laws. This success is due in part to high presidential approval, a supermajority coalition in Congress, and a unified Cabinet. These strengthen his influence over Congress, raising expectations that charter change can be fulfiled. His administration's failed attempt at federalism then raises questions on his commitment to the policy in the first place. Despite a populist campaign and institutional means at his disposal, Duterte does not appear any different from his predecessors who prioritised economic laws favoured by the business class over deep political reform with broader implications on governance and development.

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The Philippine presidency in Southeast Asian perspective: imperiled and imperious presidents but not perilous presidentialism

Cited by 8 publications

References 42 publications

Justifiable narratives: The rise and fall of family politicians in South Korea

Justifiable narratives: The rise and fall of family politicians in South Korea

The Philippines 2017: Duterte-led authoritarian populism and its liberal-democratic roots

A Philippine Strongman's Legislative and Constitutional Reforms Legacy

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