The place of PLACE in Persian

Pantcheva, Marina

doi:10.1075/la.120.16pan

Cited by 27 publications

(12 citation statements)

References 10 publications

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“…The reasons for the various polysemies needed for such an analysis would be likely to be historical and external to the system of UG itself. For an interesting alternative involving a null nominal element PLACE, see Terzi (2004), Pantcheva (2006b) and references there.…”

Section: Refining Axpartsmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Emergence of Axial Parts

Svenonius

2007

NLY

123

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Many languages have specialized locative words or morphemes translating roughly into words like 'front,' 'back,' 'top,' 'bottom,' 'side,' and so on. Often, these words are used instead of more specialized adpositions to express spatial meanings corresponding to 'behind,' 'above,' and so on. I argue, on the basis of a cross-linguistic survey of such expressions, that in many cases they motivate a syntactic category which is distinct from both N and P, which I call AxPart for 'Axial Part'; I show how the category relates to the words which instantiate it, and how the meaning of the construction is derived from the combination of P[lace] elements, AxParts, and the lexical material which expresses them.

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Section: Refining Axpartsmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Emergence of Axial Parts

Svenonius

2007

NLY

123

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“…There is a long list of papers (including Terzi 2005Terzi , 2008Terzi , 2010Botwinik-Rotem 2008;Botwinik-Rotem and Terzi 2008;Pantcheva 2008;Cinque 2010a;Noonan 2010 andTerzi 2014) arguing that the PP-hierarchy is projected from a silent noun with a place semantics (PLACE), and the Ground is merged as the possessor of PLACE. 2 This leads us to (7) as the full structure of PPs, with the Ground being merged as the complement of the silent PLACE noun.…”

Section: Background Assumptions About Pp Structurementioning

confidence: 99%

“…I will adopt the complement analysis here, noting that nothing crucial in this paper hinges on this choice. See also Botwinik-Rotem (2008), Botwinik-Rotem and Terzi (2008), Pantcheva (2008), Noonan (2010) and Nchare and Terzi (2014) for analyses in which the possessor of PLACE is a complement.…”

Section: The Structure Of Ordinary Possessive Noun Phrasesmentioning

confidence: 99%

The position of case markers relative to possessive agreement

Dékány

2017

Nat Lang Linguist Theory

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This paper inquires into two issues of Hungarian PPs. Firstly, when Hungarian pronouns bear an oblique case, the case marker must be followed by possessive agreement. Secondly, this pronoun-case-agreement order contrasts with the order found in garden variety possessive structures: ordinary possessive DPs feature the order noun-agreement-case. The goal of this paper is to offer an account of these puzzling phenomena. I argue that a PP structure in which PPs are projected from a silent PLACE noun and the Ground is merged as the possessor of PLACE

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“…The neighbourhood region is often expressed by a special functional word with a meaning like 'top', 'bottom', 'front', 'back', which is called relator noun (Blake 2001) or Axial Part (Svenonius 2006); hence some authors assume an AxPart projection in the prepositional structure (e.g. Kracht 2008, Pantcheva 2008. In the example above, the neighbourhood region is represented by ue and shita.…”

Section: Polish Prepositionsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Prepositions, Case and Verbal Prefixes

Biskup

2019

Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today

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Introduction 2 Verbal prefixes 2.1 R Russian SK Slovak SL Slovenian US Upper Sorbian 'become ill' 'start running' (2) a. prze-robić b. prze-pisać overdo over-write 'rework' 'rewrite' (3) a. na-begat'sja b. na-laufati se c. na-běhat se on-run.self on-run self on-run self all mean: 'come to have one's fill of running' Compositional (spatial) lexically prefixed verbs are cases like the Serbo-Croatian nabàcati in (4a), the Old Church Slavonic naiti in (4b) and the Polish namalować in (4c). Consider also the Russian vpisat' in (5a), the Czech vnést in (5b) and the Slovak vliať in (5c). (4) a. na-bàcati b. na-iti c. na-malować on-throw on-walk on-paint 'throw sth. on sth.' 'walk on sth.' 'paint sth. on sth.' ('find') (5) a. v-pisat' b. v-nést c. v-liať in-write in-carry in-pour 'write sth. in sth.' 'carry sth. in sth.' 'pour sth. into sth.' The examples show that the superlexical prefixes in (1)-(3) and lexical prefixes in (4) and (5) behave consistently and that the meaning of the prefixed verbs is composed of the meaning of the verb and the meaning of the prefix/preposition. In contrast, the changes induced by lexical 'carry' 'carrying' (8) a. pis-a-ć b. pis-m-o write-TH-INF write-NMLZ-NOM.SG.N 'write' 'writing, magazine' (9) a. běl-at b. běl-it white-TH-INF white-TH-INF 'become white' 'make white' 'he/she/it will swim in sth. / swim out of sth. / swim away from sth. / swim to sth. / 'become ill one after another' 'alter/redo one after another' c. po-roz-děl-á-va-t po-apart-do-TH-SI-INF 'disassemble one after another' The fact that superlexical prefixes have an adverbial meaning and can scope over the secondary imperfective suffix is the reason why some researchers propose that superlexical prefixes are generated in or above the aspectual phrase. 5 Note, however, that superlexical prefixes could, in fact, also merge lower in the verbal structure-being an overt reflection of some higher operator-and later move. It is a well-known fact that it is necessary to distinguish between lexical aspect and

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The place of PLACE in Persian

Cited by 27 publications

References 10 publications

The Emergence of Axial Parts

The Emergence of Axial Parts

The position of case markers relative to possessive agreement

Prepositions, Case and Verbal Prefixes

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