The Plantation Economy Model and the Caribbean

Abstract

Several empirical studies carried out by Caribbean economists within a similar framework)eg Girvan 1971, Jefferson 1972, Thomas 1974) will not be considered here, since they all share similar ground with the PEM. Although Thomas' work is written within an avowedly marxist paradigm, his historical analysis is very close to the PEM. The Plantation Economy Model The PEM can be placed in the general structuralist/ historical/institutional methodological tradition. Best and Levitt argue that the present-day structure of Caribbean economies can only be understood by 'invoking the resources of history')Best and Levitt 1968). Following Seers) 1963! and Myrdal) 1957), they call for the outline of a typology of economic systems and seek to detail the mechanism of one such type the plantation economy. If the PEM is to be placed within the trifocal division of dependency thought suggested by O'Brien 11975), its emphasis on the analysis of specific situations suggests membership of the group which includes Cardoso. However, the methodology of the analysis itself shares some similarity with the work of Sunkel 119731 and Furtado 119701.

Situating commercial determinants of health in their historical context: a qualitative study of sugar-sweetened beverages in Jamaica

“…The flatter and more accessible landscapes of islands such as Barbados and Jamaica allowed for deep agricultural intrusion, and the establishment of large-scale industrial agriculture [ 28 , 29 ]. Pantin, a Caribbean dependency theorist, argues that with the era of enslavement also began a dependency on imported foods which continued beyond the end of slavery [ 30 ]. After abolition, people worked in the cane fields for low incomes as a peasantry and were encouraged to consume imported goods by the colonial regime [ 30 ].…”

“…Pantin, a Caribbean dependency theorist, argues that with the era of enslavement also began a dependency on imported foods which continued beyond the end of slavery [ 30 ]. After abolition, people worked in the cane fields for low incomes as a peasantry and were encouraged to consume imported goods by the colonial regime [ 30 ]. He states that this “reduced effective demand for locally produced goods and services, and thus the dynamic potential of the residentiary sector” [ 30 , p.19].…”

“…After abolition, people worked in the cane fields for low incomes as a peasantry and were encouraged to consume imported goods by the colonial regime [ 30 ]. He states that this “reduced effective demand for locally produced goods and services, and thus the dynamic potential of the residentiary sector” [ 30 , p.19]. For a similar argument, see Higman’s historical account of different foodways and food cultures that developed in this era through the encouragement and planting of particular crops, and led to persistent cultural practices [ 31 ].…”

“…We argue that understanding commercial determinants of health in post-colonial contexts requires situating these contemporary phenomena within long historical, political, and cultural contexts. For instance, much has been written about how the plantation economies of Jamaica and the Caribbean broadly have shaped contemporary political and economic structures, actors and power dynamics [ 26 , 30 , 60 , 61 ] but we offer a perspective on how these connect to current health challenges. A global historical perspective is required to explain uneven and unsustainable contemporary food systems [ 62 ].…”

Beyond the Stereotype: Restating the Relevance of the Dependency Research Programme

“…5. The Caribbean dependency school draws on the specific features and historical background of Caribbean countries (small islands, plantation economies, history of African slavery and a British colonial past) to elaborate the dependent features of these economies (Best and Polanyi Levitt, 2009;Girvan, 2005;Oxaal, 1975;Pantin, 1980;Styve, 2017).…”