The Plebeian Experience

Breaugh, Martin; Lederhendler, Lazer; Howard, Dick

doi:10.7312/columbia/9780231156189.001.0001

Cited by 17 publications

(7 citation statements)

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“…Dissensus demonstrates "a gap in the sensible itself," and this challenges the police order that hierarchically organizes perception (Rancière 2010, 38). 17 Resonances between Rancière and Du Bois become more evident when we consider the French philosopher's account of the first plebeian secession in the early Roman Republic among his most widely cited accounts of dissensus (Breaugh 2013;Gündoğdu 2017;Inston 2017;Norval 2012;Vatter 2012). Rancière builds on the most well-known classical account of the secessio plebis, by Livy, who describes how plebeians quit their work and left the city of Rome for several days to protest debt slavery and their being used as shock troops for the Republic's military adventures.…”

Section: Staging Dissensus: Aesthetics and Politics In Rancièrementioning

confidence: 99%

Between General Strike and Dissensus: W. E. B. Du Bois’s Black Reconstruction

Feldman

2023

Political Theory

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For W. E. B. Du Bois, the tragedy of Reconstruction was that its achievements were overthrown and erased from collective memory. Du Bois’s Black Reconstruction corrects this, claiming enslaved people who fled plantations self-emancipated, thus enacting a “general strike against the slave system.” Yet Du Bois contravenes his general strike thesis when he quotes without rebuttal several Union officials who spoke of the formerly enslaved in degrading, nonagentic terms. I turn to Jacques Rancière’s politics of dissensus to understand why Du Bois quoted such racist views without comment. In Rancière, political actors “stage a scene” of equality that is shared, even among parties in conflict. Recording conflicting perceptions of the strike, highlighting divisions that persist despite momentary advances of equality, Du Bois’s reading of the general strike is dissensual in Rancière’s sense, I argue. But Du Bois also offers a valuable corrective to Rancière, whose account of the first plebeian secession erases a different general strike from memory. Rancière reads the Aventine as an event of confrontation unconnected to the collective action that Du Bois summoned from the archive and named “general strike.”

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Section: Staging Dissensus: Aesthetics and Politics In Rancièrementioning

confidence: 99%

Between General Strike and Dissensus: W. E. B. Du Bois’s Black Reconstruction

Feldman

2023

Political Theory

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“…: 203) and even riots. More generally, the term "plebs" has also been used to describe the social subject behind major popular movements in history (Breaugh 2013).…”

Section: The Digital Return Of the Crowdmentioning

confidence: 99%

Theorizing Reactive Democracy

Gerbaudo

2022

Democratic Theory

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The diffusion of social media has profoundly transformed the nature and form of the contemporary public sphere, facilitating the rise of new political tactics and movements. In this article, I develop a theory of the social media public sphere as a “plebeian public sphere” whose functioning is markedly different from the traditional public sphere, described by Jürgen Habermas. Differently from Habermas’ critical-rational publics, this social media public sphere is dominated by online crowds that come together in virtual gatherings made visible by a variety of social media reactions and metrics that measure their presence. It can be best described as a “reactive democracy,” a plebiscitary form of democracy in which reactions are understood as an implicit vote indicating the mood of public opinion on a variety of issues.

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“…O discurso da ágora-fobia política, portanto, aponta para o conflito, ou mesmo para a luta de classes, demos e plebe são apenas duas figuras da mesma moeda. Demos, ou as pessoas reunidas na ágora para deliberar, é apenas a forma original da plebe, isto é, da multidão de assalariados e dos pobres que tomam a rua (Breaugh, 2016).…”

Section: Racionalidade Política E Emoções Em Relação àS Pessoas Reunidasunclassified

Quem Tem Medo Do Povo? O Debate Entre Ágorafobia Política E Ágorafilia Política

Dupuis-Déri

2019

Rev. Est. Lib

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As pessoas têm a capacidade política de se autogovernarem, ou elas precisam ser governadas pela elite para "o bem comum"? Para o esclarecimento dessa questão, apresento dois conceitos: ágorafobia política e ágorafilia política. Começo, brevemente, explicando a tensão entre duas atitudes para as pessoas: o amor e o medo. Então, defini sistematicamente os argumentos e os contra-argumentos dos dois lados da controvérsia. O debate parece acabar em um impasse retórico, dado que tanto o povo quanto a elite podem ser vistos como irracionais, vulneráveis à demagogia e aos facciosos. Deixo claro, portanto, que a principal intenção não é demonstrar se as pessoas são confiáveis ou não no que diz respeito às suas capacidades políticas. Ao contrário, busco o reconhecimento de que esse debate contém uma luta política fundamental entre o desejo de dominação e o desejo de liberdade igualitária, assim como a disposição de distinguir o significado filosófico das experiências políticas democráticas e populares.

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The Plebeian Experience

Cited by 17 publications

References 0 publications

Between General Strike and Dissensus: W. E. B. Du Bois’s Black Reconstruction

Between General Strike and Dissensus: W. E. B. Du Bois’s Black Reconstruction

Theorizing Reactive Democracy

Quem Tem Medo Do Povo? O Debate Entre Ágorafobia Política E Ágorafilia Política

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