The Political and Institutional Context of the 2007 Kenyan Elections and Reforms Needed for the Future

Leonard, David K.; Owuor, Felix Odhiambo; Schmidt, Anna

doi:10.20940/jae/2009/v8i1a4

Cited by 17 publications

(5 citation statements)

References 13 publications

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“…At the end of the registration period the commission announced that about 400 000 people had registered, but the validity of this figure is questionable. deeper research indicates that, as was the case in other African countries (Kadima, Leonard & Schmidt 2009;Leonard & Owuor 2009) registration was characterised by low intensity conflict and protest.…”

Section: Hidden Protest and Intimidationmentioning

confidence: 79%

The State, Elections and Hidden Protest: Swaziland’s 2008 Elections

Simelane¹

2010

JAE

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In many African countries elections are accompanied by conflict emanating from the concerns of different sections of the population. The continent has experienced numerous protests over election results or the manner in which electoral processes have been conducted. Yet while protest by organised groups has been admirably analysed by some scholars, their analysis falls short of providing a comprehensive picture of some of the more obscure reasons for the discontent. For a comprehensive understanding of sources of conflict around elections there is a need to look beyond the actions of organised groups into the realm of the not-so-spectacular hidden forms of protest by rural communities. Such research reveals not only the extent of unhappiness with existing electoral processes but also the extent to which voices of dissent are suppressed under pseudo-democratic dispensations. This article focuses on protests in Swaziland against the electoral process, adding the dimension of hidden forms of protest as they unfold in some rural communities.

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Section: Hidden Protest and Intimidationmentioning

confidence: 79%

The State, Elections and Hidden Protest: Swaziland’s 2008 Elections

Simelane¹

2010

JAE

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“…A considerable number of internally displaced persons now live in camps, with an equal number seeking refuge with relatives or friends. 12 Besides the humanitarian consequences, other areas central to the country's economy have also been affected. Agricultural activities were hampered as the conflict forced farmers to stay away from their fields, posing a long-term risk to the country's food security, which was already threatened by drought and soaring fertiliser prices.…”

Section: Causes and Effects Of The Conflict In Kenyamentioning

confidence: 99%

Political dynamics in Kenya’s post-electoral violence: Justice without peace or political compromise?

Endoh¹,

Mbao²

2016

African Security Review

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The political upheavals that erupted in Kenya after the release of the 2007-8 election results resulted in the death of approximately 1 200 people, as well as the loss of livestock and other valuable property. While the Kenyan government tried to seek solutions to the crisis, the International Criminal Court (ICC) issued warrants for the arrest of top government officials. For its part, the African Union (AU) accused the ICC of racism by targeting only African leaders, and maintained that such practices undermine the rule of equality before the law set forth in Article 27 of the Rome Statute. The AU is therefore advising African countries, including Kenya, to consider withdrawing from the ICC. Will the ICC's intervention into the situation in Kenya bring justice and peace to the country, or will it add to the existing injuries affecting not just the country but the region as well? Through a critical analysis of contemporary scholarly discourse, this article unravels the dilemma of the ICC's intervention and the likely consequences of this action for the people of Kenya and Africa.

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“…None of these have changed everything overnight. But with the support of donors and local professionals -both important sources of real power independent of executive control -they have made some encouraging inroads (Leonard et al 2009a.…”

Section: New Possibilities For Liberty In Africamentioning

confidence: 99%

“…As Paris does not favour the establishment of authoritarian regimes as a step out of civil wars, in effect he is calling for an extended period of international stewardship over post-conflict countries, delaying the initial election until reforms in the structures critical to successful democracy are in place and extending supervision for some time afterwards while they gain acceptance. Most of the elements Paris prescribes became standard objectives for United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) postconflict election missions in the twenty-first century (Leonard 2009a;UNDP 2009), save that he would not proceed with elections without evidence that 'moderate' political parties would prevail over those promoting inter-group conflict. Bastian and Luckham (2003), also working from case studies, lend support to this last precondition.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Democracy, Liberty and Montesquieu: Constructing Accountable Order in African Conflict States

Leonard¹

2013

IDS Bulletin

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Without appropriate institutional checks multiparty democracy can rekindle violent conflicts rather than help to resolve them. The absolutism of 'imperial presidents' is at the root of many of Africa's civil wars and the restoration of this institution in post-conflict states will not help them find security for their citizens. Following Montesquieu, I argue that 'liberty', in the form of checks on executive power, must accompany or precede multiparty democracy in post-conflict reconstruction.

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The Political and Institutional Context of the 2007 Kenyan Elections and Reforms Needed for the Future

Cited by 17 publications

References 13 publications

The State, Elections and Hidden Protest: Swaziland’s 2008 Elections

The State, Elections and Hidden Protest: Swaziland’s 2008 Elections

Political dynamics in Kenya’s post-electoral violence: Justice without peace or political compromise?

Democracy, Liberty and Montesquieu: Constructing Accountable Order in African Conflict States

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