The Political Economy of the Egyptian Uprising

Maher, Stephen

doi:10.14452/mr-063-06-2011-10_2

Cited by 16 publications

(9 citation statements)

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“…15 Media reports indicate the country is still at risk of conflicts among different political groups. 14 The acute phase began when thousands of civilians protested against the Government, led by then long-time president Hosni Mubarak. 14,15 Despite his resignation, conflicts continued and became widespread under the military regime.…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Associations Between Acute Conflict and Maternal Care Usage in Egypt: An Uncontrolled Before-and-After Study Using Demographic and Health Survey Data

Gopalan

Silverwood

Salman

et al. 2018

Int J Health Policy Manag

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Background: United Nations’ (UN) data indicate that conflict-affected low- and middle-income countries (LMICs) contribute considerably to global maternal deaths. Maternal care usage patterns during conflict have not been rigorously quantitatively examined for policy insights. This study analysed associations between acute conflict and maternal services usage and quality in Egypt using reliable secondary data (as conflict-affected settings generally lack reliable primary data). Methods: An uncontrolled before-and-after study used data from the 2014 Egypt Demographic and Health Survey (EDHS). The ‘pre-conflict sample’ included births occurring from January 2009 to January 2011. The ‘peri-conflict sample’ included births from February 2011 to December 2012. The hierarchical nature of demographic and household survey (DHS) data was addressed using multi-level modelling (MLM). Results: In total, 2569 pre-conflict and 4641 peri-conflict births were reported. After adjusting for socioeconomic variables, conflict did not significantly affect antenatal service usage. Compared to the pre-conflict period, periconflict births had slightly lower odds of delivery in public institutions (odds ratio [OR]: 0.987; 95% CI: 0.975-0.998; P<.05), institutional postnatal care (OR: 0.995; 95% CI: 0.98-1.00; P=.05), and at least 24 hours post-delivery stay (OR: 0.921; 95% CI: 0.906-0.935; P<.01). Peri-conflict births had relatively higher odds of doctor-assisted deliveries (OR: 1.021; 95% CI: 1.004-1.035; P<.05), institutional deliveries (OR: 1.022; 95% CI: 1.00-1.04; P<.05), private institutional deliveries (OR: 1.035; 95% CI: 1.017-1.05; P<.001), and doctor-assisted postnatal care (OR: 1.015; 95% CI: 1.003-1.027; P<.05). Sensitivity analysis did not change results significantly. Conclusion: Maternal care showed limited associations with the acute conflict, generally reflecting pre-conflict usage patterns. Further qualitative and quantitative research could identify the effects of larger conflicts on maternal careseeking and usage, and inform approaches to building health system resilience

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Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The Middle-East region historically known for persistent conflicts and Egypt is a conflict-prone country in the region. 3,14 During 2011-2013, Egypt experienced acute conflict as thousands of civilians protested against the government. 15 Prolonged armed and unarmed protests across the country disrupted governance and civil life.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Associations Between Acute Conflict and Maternal Care Usage in Egypt: An Uncontrolled Before-and-After Study Using Demographic and Health Survey Data

Gopalan

Silverwood

Salman

et al. 2018

Int J Health Policy Manag

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“…It provides a multivariate framework where changes in a particular variable are related to changes in its own lags and the lags of other variables. This is a reduced-form of VAR since the dependent variable is expressed in terms of predetermined lagged variables [10]. The advantage of VAR approach is that unknown relationships between variables are considered as endogenous in the system as the variables relationship is simultaneously determined.…”

Section: Data and Methods Specificationmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The CBT intends in this way to reinforce the efficiency of its monetary policy in terms of price stability. Inflation was fed notably by increased food prices, the depreciation of the dinar against the euro and contraband and insufficient control of distribution circuits 10 . In 2014, the inflation rate reaches 5.5% and declines to 4.9% in 2015.…”

Section: The Inflation Regimementioning

confidence: 99%

Economic Challenges and Opportunities after the Revolution in Tunisia: Inflation and Exchange Rate

Loukil¹

2017

J Glob Econ

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The African Development Bank Group suggest that structural challenges are needed to moving up the value chain through structural shift of the manufacturing sector and the liberalization of the domestic private sector from the dual economy. However, exchange rates and capital accounts are still under the strict control of the Central Bank, even though exceptions are accorded to export-related activities. The public sector dominates all the strategic sectors in the economy (e.g., energy, transport, telecommunications, pharmacy, collection and trade of basic food, etc.) and basic commodities prices are controlled by the government (which represents one third of the CPI). Therefore, it is crucial to assess the response of domestic prices to the exchange rate pass-through, given its important implications for monetary policy [4]. The pass-through measures the effect of a nominal exchange rate change on prices across fluctuations in the prices of imported 2 Accordingly the increased transparency of the monetary policy strategy through communication with the public and the markets about the plans and objectives of monetary policymakers; and increased accountability of the central bank for attaining its inflation objectives. Economic Challenges and Opportunities after the Revolution in Tunisia: Inflation and Exchange RateLoukil S* Department of Management, Sfax University, Tunisia AbstractThis paper investigates the dynamic links between the exchange rate and the inflation in Tunisia, using annual data during the period 1984-2016. First, we implement unit root analysis to test the stationary. The study makes use of both primary and secondary data and VAR Granger Causality/Block Erogeneity Wald Tests were adopted as the estimation techniques. Granger causality results reveal that there is a unidirectional causal link between the inflation and exchange running from the inflation to the exchange rate and that the exchange rate has no impact on inflation. This study provides some implications regarding potential constraints on monetary policy. A policy of inflation targeting, as an alternative monetary policy, combined with a compatible regime of flexible exchange rates could provide a solution to this dilemma.

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“…For historical and political reasons, both governments kept a tight grip over the trade unions' leadership, but as the tensions between workers and their trade union representatives grew, several mass strikes took place leading to broad social movements for regime change (Maher 2011). Among the social-change groups, it is worth mentioning the Yezzi Fook (Tunisia in 2003) and Kefaya (Egypt in 2004) movements that rejected lifetime presidency, 1 the April 6 movement that grew out of the 2006 and 2008 Mahalla textile workers strikes in Egypt, and the 2008 unemployed graduates union (Union des diplômés chômeurs) sit-in in the mining town of Redayef in Tunisia.…”

Section: Figure 3: External Debt Stocks (% Of Export Revenues) For Tumentioning

confidence: 99%

The End of Neoliberalism? An Institutional Analysis of the Arab Uprisings

Kaboub

2013

Journal of Economic Issues

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The 1980s economic crises in Egypt and Tunisia ushered in the neoliberal economic austerity era, rampant corruption, increased inequality, and socio-economic exclusion. At the same time, it also built a multi-billion-dollar business empire for the elite class connected to the presidential palace. The increasingly arrogant and violent oppression by the state security apparatus ultimately sparked the revolutionary slogans demanding "freedom, jobs, and dignity." This paper argues that little progress has been made to satisfy those demands because the transition governments (and opposition parties) have failed to put forward an alternative economic program to remedy the negative economic consequences of neoliberalism. Focusing exclusively on Tunisia and Egypt, this paper uncovers the neoliberal roots of economic inequality and socio-economic exclusion that have led to the uprisings. It further suggests that the original institutionalist theory of institutional adjustment provides the most adequate framework for achieving the ultimate goals of the Tunisian and Egyptian uprisings. Finally, this paper concludes by outlining the institutional prerequisites for a successful transition to a post-neoliberal system in Tunisia and Egypt.

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The Political Economy of the Egyptian Uprising

Cited by 16 publications

References 0 publications

Associations Between Acute Conflict and Maternal Care Usage in Egypt: An Uncontrolled Before-and-After Study Using Demographic and Health Survey Data

Associations Between Acute Conflict and Maternal Care Usage in Egypt: An Uncontrolled Before-and-After Study Using Demographic and Health Survey Data

Economic Challenges and Opportunities after the Revolution in Tunisia: Inflation and Exchange Rate

The End of Neoliberalism? An Institutional Analysis of the Arab Uprisings

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