The Political Representation of Immigrants and Minorities

Bird, Karen; Saalfeld, Thomas; Wüst, Andreas M.

doi:10.4324/9780203843604

Cited by 102 publications

(29 citation statements)

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“…The first is that such candidates may be subject to both gender and racial stereotypes, which could produce a double disadvantage in their quest for elected office (Moncrief et al, 1991). On the other hand, growing evidence suggests that the gender gap in office holding is smaller among visible minorities than among non-minorities (Bejarano, 2013; Bird, 2011; Celis et al, 2014; Scola, 2007, 2013). Thus, the other potential outcome is that, as Wendy Smooth has argued, minority women candidates can benefit from the crossover appeal gained from their “multiple community identifications” (2006: 411).…”

Section: Gender and Ethnic Affinitiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Sex (And Ethnicity) in the City: Affinity Voting in the 2014 Toronto Mayoral Election

et al. 2016

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Do women vote for women and men for men? Do visible minorities vote for minority candidates, and white voters for white candidates? And what happens when a minority woman appears on the ballot? This study tests for the presence of gender and ethnic affinity voting in the Toronto mayoral election of 2014, where Olivia Chow was the only woman and only visible minority candidate among the three major contenders. Our analysis, which draws on a survey of eligible Toronto voters, is the first to examine the interactive effects of sex and ethnicity on vote choice in Canada in the context of a non-partisan election and in a non-experimental manner. We find strong evidence of ethnic affinity voting and show that Chow received stronger support from ethnic Chinese voters than from other minority groups. Our results also reveal that gender was related to vote choice but only when connected with race.

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Section: Gender and Ethnic Affinitiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Sex (And Ethnicity) in the City: Affinity Voting in the 2014 Toronto Mayoral Election

et al. 2016

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“…Confronted with the diversity of home country institutions and policies relevant for citizens abroad, we have chosen to articulate the notion of diaspora infrastructure based on two different (but sometimes interconnected) conceptual dimensions. Inspired by the literature on political representation of minorities (see Pitkin 1967 ; Phillips 1995 ; Powell 2004 ; Bird et al 2011 , among others 11 ), we distinguish between descriptive and substantive state infrastructure for nationals abroad. Considering the well-documented trend among sending states to engage only symbolically with their diaspora by creating institutions that perform limited tasks or by adopting policies with limited impact on diaspora’s welfare (Gamlen 2019 ), the distinction between descriptive and substantive infrastructure is particularly appealing to qualitatively assess sending states’ engagement.…”

Section: Diaspora Infrastructurementioning

confidence: 99%

Do EU Member States Care About their Diasporas’ Access to Social Protection? A Comparison of Consular and Diaspora Policies across EU27

Lafleur

Vintila

2020

IMISCOE Research Series

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Despite the growing literature on sending states’ engagement with their populations abroad, little is known so far about their role in helping the diaspora deal with social risks. As argued in this chapter, this is mainly because past studies on sending states’ policies and institutions for the diaspora have failed to systematically focus on social protection, while also ignoring that regional integration dynamics often constrain domestic responses to the welfare needs of nationals residing abroad. This volume aims to fill this research gap by comparatively examining the type of diaspora infrastructure through which EU Member States address the vulnerabilities faced by populations abroad in five core areas of social protection: health care, pensions, family, unemployment, and economic hardship. Drawing on data from two original surveys with national experts, we operationalize the concepts of descriptive infrastructure for non-residents (i.e. the presence of diaspora-related institutions) and substantive infrastructure (i.e. policies that provide and facilitate access to welfare for nationals abroad) in order to propose a new typology of states’ engagement with their diaspora in the area of social protection.

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“…While there is a dearth of research on immigrant political ambition in the U.S. context, scholars have analyzed immigrant participation and representation in Canada and Western Europe (Givens and Maxwell, ; Bloemraad, ; Hochschild et al., ). To begin, these studies find that many of the factors noted above, specifically income, education, and employment status, influence political participation and representation among immigrants (see also Bird et al., ; Bloemraad and Schonwalder, ). However, they also suggest that for immigrant candidates, another set of factors influence their ambition and success.…”

Section: Nascent Political Ambitionmentioning

confidence: 99%

New Americans and the Quest for Political Office

Reny

Shah

2018

Social Science Quarterly

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Objective Record numbers of first‐ and second‐generation immigrants have won elected office over the last few electoral cycles, yet we find immigrants are still underrepresented at all levels of government. What are the perceived barriers to entry into political life among these New Americans? Method Using a unique survey data set that includes an oversample of first‐ and second‐generation immigrants who have enrolled in civic leadership trainings, we examine the similarities and differences between immigrant and nonimmigrant leaders. Results We find that immigrants are in many ways similar to their nonimmigrant counterparts in that access to structural resources help shape their political ambition. Yet immigrants, unlike their nonimmigrant counterparts, often have less of these resources and perceive their ability to capitalize on these resources as less feasible. Conclusions We find that the traditional barriers to office—lack of professional and political experiences, finances, and monied networks—all contribute to lower self‐perceived qualifications for office among both immigrants and nonimmigrants. Yet, the New American leaders who are highly politically involved, deeply rooted in their communities, and well‐positioned to run for office face the additional psychological barriers posed by their race and ethnicity, immigrant identity, citizenship status, language ability, and acculturation, barriers that are often offered in open‐ended essays as self‐evident and crippling. Leadership training programs play a crucial role in providing training and instilling confidence in would‐be immigrant candidates.

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The Political Representation of Immigrants and Minorities

Cited by 102 publications

References 0 publications

Sex (And Ethnicity) in the City: Affinity Voting in the 2014 Toronto Mayoral Election

Sex (And Ethnicity) in the City: Affinity Voting in the 2014 Toronto Mayoral Election

Do EU Member States Care About their Diasporas’ Access to Social Protection? A Comparison of Consular and Diaspora Policies across EU27

New Americans and the Quest for Political Office

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