The politics and economics of “retraditionalization” in Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan

Abstract

This paper analyzes attitudes of women enrolled in secular and religious universities in the capital cities of Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan toward family life and the role of Islam in the private and public sphere. Survey data indicate that women from both types of universities in both countries sympathize with retraditionalization, or "a return to traditional values, family life, and religion, which entails, in part, women being moved out of the work force." Thus far, there is no statistical evidence of this phenomenon in the literature. Sympathy for retraditionalization is unfolding in the context of ongoing economic uncertainty that has plagued Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan since the Soviet Union's collapse, and its manifestations produce political responses. I argue that Kyrgyz and Tajik elites push a particular gender norm implying female secularization to counter expressions of retraditionalization among young women. In conclusion, I highlight counterintuitive findings of the survey regarding Islam's role in Central Asian society and discuss collective versus individual acts of resistance to female secularization policies in Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan.

Practices of traditionalization in Central Asia

“…Some turned to new religious movements instead, such as Christian Pentecostalism and the Muslim Tablighi Jamaat. Nowadays, however, according to Commercio (2015), traditional religious and family values are accepted throughout both Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan. In the latter context, reformist movements of Islam have been active since the late 1960s (Dudoignon and Noack 2014).…”

Kyrgyz Republic Country Gender Assessment

“…The period following the Kyrgyz Republic's independence has seen a resurgence of prescriptive gender stereotypes, which are inextricably tied up with notions of national identity (Commercio 2014). The former Soviet Union era perception of an "egalitarian family," which revolved around a working mother was, to a large extent, replaced by conservative ideals of women remaining in the home to take care of her family (Ibraeva, Moldosheva, and Niyazova 2011) while men are expected to be the main breadwinners (Hoare 2009, p. 8).…”

“…Poverty may also lead parents to agree to the early marriage of their daughters because of the potential financial gain from the bride price. In some cases, parents may withdraw their daughters from school to protect them from potential kidnapping or premarital sexual activity (Commercio 2014).…”

“…The groom's family brings the letter, along with the bride price in the form of sheep or other gifts, to the girl's family. An Islamic clergyman (moldo) is then invited to perform an Islamic ceremony (nikah) (Commercio 2014).…”

“…Prior to the former Soviet Union period, bride kidnapping may have been practiced mainly as a form of consensual elopement, allowing the bride and groom to evade their families' opposition to their marriage or to keep marriage costs down. a This may still be true in some cases but research indicates that the practice is increasingly characterized by its nonconsensual nature, with girls expected to submit to the practice as a sign of their willingness to build the new Kyrgyz nation and boys encouraged to undertake the kidnapping as a sign of their ultra-masculinity (Commercio 2014).…”