2018
DOI: 10.1080/17449057.2018.1519933
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The Politics of Association: Power-Sharing and the Depoliticization of Ethnicity in Post-War Burundi

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Cited by 15 publications
(6 citation statements)
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“…This is for instance the case with the consociational power-sharing arrangement considered as one of the hallmarks of dealing with past violence in Burundi. Although this approach is generally considered instrumental in reducing the role of ethnicity in politics (Lemarchand 2007; Curtis 2013; Vandeginste 2015; Reyntjens 2016; Raffoul 2020), in light of this analysis, it might also paradoxically entrench the salience of ‘ethnic’ identity in wider society in an essentialist way, thus failing to avoid ‘groupism’, the ‘tendency to treat … groups as substantial entities’ (Brubaker 2004: 64), ‘chief protagonists of social conflicts’ (Brubaker 2004: 8), which haunts policymaking on and the scholarly study of violence and peace in Burundi.…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…This is for instance the case with the consociational power-sharing arrangement considered as one of the hallmarks of dealing with past violence in Burundi. Although this approach is generally considered instrumental in reducing the role of ethnicity in politics (Lemarchand 2007; Curtis 2013; Vandeginste 2015; Reyntjens 2016; Raffoul 2020), in light of this analysis, it might also paradoxically entrench the salience of ‘ethnic’ identity in wider society in an essentialist way, thus failing to avoid ‘groupism’, the ‘tendency to treat … groups as substantial entities’ (Brubaker 2004: 64), ‘chief protagonists of social conflicts’ (Brubaker 2004: 8), which haunts policymaking on and the scholarly study of violence and peace in Burundi.…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…This broad call for inclusive processes without defining how, why, and for whom, has prompted mediation scholars to theorize different rationales for inclusive peace processes (Hirblinger and Landau 2020). These rationales exist on a spectrum, ranging from the strategic inclusion of armed actors for reasons related to durable peace agreements (Nilsson 2012), a need for power sharing (Raffoul 2020), and incentives for actors identified as spoilers (Blaydes and de Maio 2010; Zahar 2010; Nilsson and Söderberg Kovacs 2011); to the inclusion of civil society (Wanis St‐John and Kew 2008)—particularly women (Lorentzen 2020), youth (Grizelj 2019), religious leaders (Kmec and Ganiel 2019), and business actors (Alluri 2013)—for normative imperatives of empowerment and rights‐based participation.…”
Section: The Normative Turn In Conflict Resolution: the Third Generation Of Track Two Theory?mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Parties need to attract candidates and voters across the ethnic divide and party officials are automatically involved in inter-ethnic exchange and dialogue' (Vandeginste 2017: 178). While the requirement for multi-ethnic electoral lists was a key point of contestation during Horizontal the transition and the constitution-building process, it appears to have become accepted and fostered a depoliticization of ethnicity in Burundian politics (Raffoul 2020). The government has recently sought to move away from many of the power-sharing provisions agreed at Arusha with a new constitution, but has not altered the voting rules.…”
Section: Moderate Centripetalismmentioning
confidence: 99%