The Politics of Language in Eritrea: Equality of Languages Vs. Bilingual Official Language Policy

Abstract

Th e article analyzes the discourse of politics of language in Eritrea. It argues that the language debate in Eritrea over equality of languages and bilingual offi cial language policy is more about power relations than about language per se. It relates to politics of identity that derive from the construction of two identity formations as understood by political elites. Equality of languages is based on ethnic identity, whereas offi cial language is based on the construction of supra-ethnic civic identity. According to the constructivist bilingual offi cial language Arabic and Tigrinya are supposed to represent two diff erent socio-cultural identity formations, notably, Islamic-Arabic and Christian-Tigrinya. Consequently, the offi cial language policy debate could be construed to derive from politics of power relation where two groups of elites supposedly representing the two identity formations are engaged in power competition refl ecting real or imaginary socio-cultural cleavage of respective identity. In this sense the bilingual offi cial language is designed to create social equilibrium wherein it is supposed that power would equitably be distributed between two rival elite groups.

The Struggling State

“…Organizationally, unlike the ELF, it merged fighters from different parts of the country into heterogeneous groupings. It also refused to declare a national language and set about establishing a program to promote indigenous language education in addition to using Arabic as a working language among the lowland populations (Bereketeab 2010;Hailemariam, Sjaak, and Walters 1999;Woldemikael 1993).…”

Pedagogic strategies: Using empowerment theory to confront issues of language and race within mathematics education

“…It is therefore powerful both on a macro level, with respect to policy construction and on a micro level in relation to classroom collaborations (Setati, 2005(Setati, , 2008. Through language class, status and worth can be demonstrated (Barwell et al, 2007); hence, language as a cultural symbol plays an important role in the politics of power (Bereketeab, 2010). Similarly, research has maintained that if the language of instruction is not the learners' first language then this can potentially disadvantage and disempower them (Setati and Adler, 2001;Setati et al, 2008).…”

“…This suggests that if learners cannot express themselves in the language of instruction they are rendered relatively powerless to secure their equity educationally. In contrast, learners who adopt the dominant language of instruction may, in fact, be able to access more prestigious and profitable career paths (Bereketeab, 2010).…”

“…‘Language is an instrument of action and power…’ (Bourdieu, 1991: 37) and so, as a political tool (Setati, 2008), it is used by society to determine power and identity (Bereketeab, 2010; Gutièrrez, 2002). Language pervades every aspect of people's lives and may be used to include or exclude people in important decision-making processes.…”

Origin and development of multilingual education in Eritrea

“…This study is limited to describing the major factors contributing to the origin and development of multilingual education policy in Eritrea (for counter-discourses on the multilingual education policy in Eritrea and analysis thereof see Bereketeab 2010;Hailemariam, Kroon, and Walters 1999).…”