2015
DOI: 10.1353/trn.2015.0008
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The politics of numbers: national membership growth and subnational power competition in the African National Congress

Abstract: The ANC has experienced rapid membership growth in recent years. This paper explores competing explanations for this growth, and concludes that subnational political competition and national factional conflicts, rather than deliberate membership recruitment campaigns, have been the primary drivers of increased numbers. The paper goes on to assess the implications of this dynamic of membership change for party organisational challenges.

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Cited by 7 publications
(10 citation statements)
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“…One of the correlates of declining ANC hegemonic stature was its membership decline in the period since 2012, when massive mobilisation was effected in the run-up to the 2012 ANC centenary celebration; during this time, the Zumaists tried to bolster the pro-Zuma provinces to help swell the number of delegates that would vote for Zuma at the Mangaung conference (Booysen 2015). By the time of the ANC National General Council (NGC) meeting of 2015, the figures revealed massive decline: to 767,970 (see also Butler 2015). In contrast with previous conference practice, the ANC did not release updated membership figures at the time of the 2017 policy and elective conferences.…”
Section: Anc Organisational Correlates Signifying Hegemonic Decline Amentioning
confidence: 99%
“…One of the correlates of declining ANC hegemonic stature was its membership decline in the period since 2012, when massive mobilisation was effected in the run-up to the 2012 ANC centenary celebration; during this time, the Zumaists tried to bolster the pro-Zuma provinces to help swell the number of delegates that would vote for Zuma at the Mangaung conference (Booysen 2015). By the time of the ANC National General Council (NGC) meeting of 2015, the figures revealed massive decline: to 767,970 (see also Butler 2015). In contrast with previous conference practice, the ANC did not release updated membership figures at the time of the 2017 policy and elective conferences.…”
Section: Anc Organisational Correlates Signifying Hegemonic Decline Amentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Most analysts have heavily criticised the ANC party and its elected local representatives (in particular ward councillors and political office-bearers such as speakers, mayors and members of the municipal mayoral executive committee) for being embroiled in patronage and rent-seeking (see Staniland 2008;Ndletyana et al 2014;Beresford 2014;Dawson 2014;Butler 2015;Butler and Southall 2015;Ndletyana 2015), neo-patrimonialism (Lodge 1998 and and corruption (Hyslop 2005;Mashele and Qobo 2014;Johnson 2015) that has led to decline in service delivery and failure of ANC councillors in carrying out their representational mandate.…”
Section: Loyal Supporters (See Independent Electoral Elections 2016)mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…There has been some considerable scholarly focus on how the ANC has created a compliant party-state, where lines between the party and state are often blurred. This is underpinned by the argument of how the ANC has managed to use the liberation discourse to exert its hegemony and power over the levers of power in the state apparatus as a dominant party (Giliomee and Simkins 1999;Bompani 2006;Dorman 2006;Booysen 2015;Butler 2009Butler , 2015Suttner 2009). These scholars and commentators have raised criticism and concerns on how the ANC has managed to entrench its political dominance through the use of state power and distribution of state resources in exchange for party support to generate control and political power (Butler 2010).…”
Section: Anc Party and State Conflationmentioning
confidence: 99%
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“…The most important one noted in the literature is factionalism. Factions play a role because the ANC’s ‘official factions’ (that is, the South African Communist Party and the Congress of South African Trade Unions) have to be accommodated in the candidate selection process (Mac Giollabhuí 2013) or because ‘unofficial factions’ (that is, Jacob Zuma vs. Thabo Mbeki, Zuma vs. Kgalema Motlanthe, Zuma vs. Julius Malema, or even more localized factions) attempt to influence the selection procedures, for example, by adding members to the local branches (Butler 2015; Cooper 2015). The importance of factionalism for candidate selection is, however, not a problem for this study.…”
Section: Empirical Approach and Datamentioning
confidence: 99%