The Portuguese Inflected Infinitive: an empirical approach

Vanderschueren, Clara; Diependaele, Kevin

doi:10.1515/cllt-2013-0013

Cited by 8 publications

(7 citation statements)

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“…recent studies of Arrpe and Järvikivi 2007a-b;Gries 2008, Featherston 2005;Gries 2002;Gries et al 2005a-b;Liu 2013;Vanderschueren & Diependaele 2013).…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 95%

The polysemy of the Spanish verb sentir: A behavioral profile analysis

Jansegers

Vanderschueren

Enghels

2015

Cognitive Linguistics

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This study investigates the intricate polysemy of the Spanish perception verb sentir ('feel') which, analogous to the more-studied visual perception verbs ver ('see') and mirar ('look'), also displays an ample gamut of semantic uses in various syntactic environments. The investigation is based on a corpus-based behavioral profile (BP) analysis. Besides its methodological merits as a quantitative, systematic and verifiable approach to the study of meaning and to polysemy in particular, the BP analysis offers qualitative usage-based evidence for cognitive linguistic theorizing. With regard to the polysemy of sentir, the following questions were addressed: (1) What is the prototype of each cluster of senses? (2) How are the different senses structured: how many senses should be distinguished -i.e. which senses cluster together and which senses should be kept separately? (3) Which senses are more related to each other and which are highly distinguishable? (4) What morphosyntactic variables make them more or less distinguishable? The results show that two significant meaning clusters can be distinguished, which coincide with the division between the middle voice uses (sentirse) and the other uses (sentir). Within these clusters, a number of meaningful subclusters emerge, which seem to coincide largely with the more general semantic categories of physical, cognitive and emotional perception.

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“…recent studies of Arrpe and Järvikivi 2007a-b;Gries 2008, Featherston 2005;Gries 2002;Gries et al 2005a-b;Liu 2013;Vanderschueren & Diependaele 2013).…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 95%

The polysemy of the Spanish verb sentir: A behavioral profile analysis

Jansegers

Vanderschueren

Enghels

2015

Cognitive Linguistics

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“…What we know about inflected infinitives, thus, comes largely from studies based upon Portuguese data. In this respect, Vanderschueren (2013), Vanderschueren and Diependaele (2013), and Vanderschueren and Cuypere (2014) analyze variable inflected infinitive expression in Portuguese adverbial clauses. These authors reduce the envelope of variation to those cases in which the subject of the infinitive is coreferential with the subject of the main clause.…”

Section: Galician Inflected Infinitivesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…We approach the data from within a comparative-variationist perspective (Poplack and Tagliamonte 2001;Walker 2010;Tagliamonte 2012), in which we attempt to discover the probabilistic grammar of these seemingly unrelated phenomena through the quantitative analysis of the linguistic factors conditioning the expression of these morphosyntactic variants. Although inflected infinitives are widely studied in Portuguese (for empirical studies see Vanderschueren 2013;Vanderschueren and Diependaele 2013;Vanderschueren and Cuypere 2014), no large-scale, quantitative analysis of naturalistic Galician data exists. Likewise, though, as has been mentioned before, variable subject expression in finite constructions is widely studied, corpus-based analyses of subject expression in non-finite clauses are much more infrequent (but see Schulte 2007Schulte , 2018Vanderschueren 2013).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Bringing Purported Black Sheep into the Fold: Galician Inflected Infinitives and Puerto Rican Spanish Pre-Verbal Infinitival Subject Pronouns

Brown

Rivas

2019

Languages

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This work reports the results of quantitative, variationist analyses of two typologically unusual constructions in order to explore the grammatical conditioning of subject expression in non-finite clauses. Both constructions, Galician inflected infinitives and (Puerto Rican) Spanish preposed, nominative infinitival subjects, have not been widely studied. As a result, variable expression/omission of subject marking in these constructions is not yet fully understood. Using corpora of oral data, we extract 732 examples of infinitives in purpose clauses (headed by para) and employ a logistic mixed effect model to explore the linguistic conditioning of the overt/null variants. We find the appearance of overt subject marking to be conditioned nearly identically across the two distinct languages as well as across finite/non-finite clauses. We utilize this lack of difference to propose that the two construction types may be manifestations of one grammaticalization process. As such, we propose the Puerto Rican Spanish variation may provide a new synchronic source of data with which to explore the diachronic source of (Galician) inflected infinitives.

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“…Así, por un lado, es frecuente el uso de formas flexionadas (infinitivo o verbo finito) aunque los sujetos sean correferenciales (Vesterinen 2006;Vanderschueren & Diependaele 2013;Vanderschueren & de Cuypere 2014). Por otro lado, también es frecuente el uso del infinitivo, aunque los sujetos no sean correferenciales (cf.…”

Section: Bases Teóricasunclassified

Oraciones completivas de sustantivo en español y portugués: ¿infinitivo u oración finita?

Granvik¹

2017

CLECM

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Este trabajo enfoca dos tipos de oraciones completivas de sustantivo, las completivas de verbo finito (el hecho de que vaya) y las de infinitivo (el hecho de ir), con el objetivo de determinar si entre ambos tipos hay "identidad funcional" (cf. Bogard & Company 1989). Analizando dos muestras de 37 y 56 sustantivos que se combinan frecuentemente con ambos tipos de completivas en portugués y español, respectivamente, se observa que hay claras diferencias entre las clases de sustantivos y los contextos de uso de ambos tipos de completivas. Las completivas finitas se usan con sustantivos mentales y lingüísticos (como certeza y noticia), que se asocian, además, con el modo indicativo, mientras que los sustantivos modales (como necesidad ) prefieren las completivas de infinitivo, y estos sustantivos se asocian con el modo subjuntivo. En cambio, los sustantivos de uso factual (e.g. facto/fato y hecho) presentan preferencias variables por uno u otro tipo de completiva. Así, se concluye que las completivas finitas no funcionan de modo idéntico a las completivas de infinitivo. Además, se observa un desplazamiento diacrónico a favor de las completivas finitas, de modo que las completivas de infinitivo son más frecuentes en los primeros siglos analizados (xvi, xvii y xviii), mientras que se detecta una frecuencia creciente de las completivas finitas en los siglos xix y xx. Original recibido: 2016/07/29Dictamen enviado al autor: 2016/10/25Aceptado: 2016/10/25

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The Portuguese Inflected Infinitive: an empirical approach

Cited by 8 publications

References 2 publications

The polysemy of the Spanish verb sentir: A behavioral profile analysis

The polysemy of the Spanish verb sentir: A behavioral profile analysis

Bringing Purported Black Sheep into the Fold: Galician Inflected Infinitives and Puerto Rican Spanish Pre-Verbal Infinitival Subject Pronouns

Oraciones completivas de sustantivo en español y portugués: ¿infinitivo u oración finita?

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