The Presidentialization of Parties

Passarelli, Gianluca

doi:10.1057/9781137482464.0019

Cited by 10 publications

(15 citation statements)

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“…Theoretically, the study challenges the cartel model's generalizing logic by emphasizing potential for ongoing inter-party differences. Notwithstanding few recent efforts (Gauja, 2017;Passarelli, 2015;Pedersen, 2010), studies have tended to emphasize general tendencies (Heidar and Saglie, 2003). The study acknowledges that instead of uniform adaptation and eventual convergence, parties may react differently to external pressures.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 95%

“…However, a recent comprehensive study showed convincingly that in regard to PCO/PPO power balance, Danish parties' statutes did not change almost at all between the 1950s and the first decade of the 2000s, and instead they continued to reflect the parties' origins and ideologies (Pedersen, 2010). Recent qualitative research, too, has suggested that intra-party power balance might still vary across parties (Enroth and Hagevi, 2018;Passarelli, 2015). In the Swedish social democratic party, the PCO even appears to have strengthened since the 1960s (Loxbo, 2013).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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The ‘genetic’ effect: Can parties’ past organizational choices condition the development of their internal distribution of power in the cartel party era? Evidence from Finland, 1983–2017

Koskimaa

2020

Politics

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This study critically assesses the claim of the cartel party theory that the party in central office (PCO) has lost its powers to the party in public office (PPO) as parties have adapted to various changes in their operating ‘environment’. The study argues that a party’s tendency to adapt is conditioned by the party’s ‘genetic’ heritage: if the PCO assumed a prominent position during the party’s institutionalization, it can more likely stand against external pressures compared to a PCO that has been traditionally weak. The study compares the development (1983–2017) of two Finnish parties, which hail from polar ‘genetic’ traditions: a social democratic mass party and a conservative cadre party. The change of the party ‘environment’ has strongly supported PCO’s decay. Unlike earlier longitudinal studies on intra-party power balance, the study assesses all significant power dimensions and finds a contradictory development: while the distribution of leadership positions and resources increasingly favour the PPO in both parties, significant ‘genetic’ differences in the distribution of formal decision-making power have not diminished at all. If statutory regulations matter, the results suggest that the PPO cannot ‘insulate’ like the cartel model expects in parties where the PCO’s strong role has been strictly codified.

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Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 95%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The ‘genetic’ effect: Can parties’ past organizational choices condition the development of their internal distribution of power in the cartel party era? Evidence from Finland, 1983–2017

Koskimaa

2020

Politics

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“…The idea that hostility toward the out-group can develop independently from -and drive support for -the in-group is indeed at the core of the social identity perspective on negative voting (Medeiros and Noël, 2014;Abramowitz and Webster, 2016;Bankert, 2020). In parallel, research on the personalization of politics (Poguntke and Webb 2005;Passarelli 2015;Elgie and Passarelli 2019;Garzia et al, 2020) finds that negative attitudes toward the political out-group concern not only political parties but can also spill over to individual candidates (Barisione, 2017). Accordingly, evaluations of (out-party) candidates have been shown to also act as determinants of the vote, acting alongside positive (in-party) candidate evaluations (Garzia and Ferreira da Silva, 2021a).…”

Section: The Decline Of Structural Determinants Of Electors' Decisionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Italy in times of protest and negative voting: An introduction

Garzia

Passarelli

2021

QOE-IJES

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The classic heuristics of voting behaviour have been eroded overtime especially in well-established democracies. Ideology, party identification, and social class have been gradually replaced by short-period factors. In particular, the personalization has represented an innovative variable that significantly contributes to explain voting behaviour. Cross-pressures between party identification, candidate assessments and issue preferences paved the way to the diffusion of protest voting, both against the élite and the system. In this respect, Italy represents a very interesting case from both a theoretical and an empirical point view considering the presence of protest parties and the important diffusion of anti-system movements which surfed the protest to consolidate their positions. The editors conceived this special issue aiming at analysing and measuring the impact of protest/negative voting in Italy between 2016 and 2020, a period in which protest parties and voters’ discontent have significantly increased. Data presented by the different papers confirm, albeit under different perspectives, the relevance of this peculiar form of political behaviour.

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“…Elgie also underscores the importance of David Samuels and Matthew Shugart's book (2010) in rebooting the research agenda in comparative politics. In particular, he emphasizesin agreement with Samuels and Shugartthat together with the institutions that are able to shape political party organization, 'party organization might be the "missing variable" in studies on the effect of regime types' (Elgie 2011: 408;Passarelli 2015Passarelli , 2020. In this way, Elgie connects the study of semi-presidentialism as a political and institutional regime with political parties.…”

mentioning

confidence: 92%