The Prestige of Education

Sawiński, Zbigniew

doi:10.1080/15579336.1986.11769903

Cited by 7 publications

(3 citation statements)

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“…It may be that even though research skills do not have a direct value to practitioners’ jobs in non‐academic positions, statistics, and research design are difficult subjects to master (Onwuegbuzie and Wilson, 2003; Mills, 2004; Murtonen, 2005; Papanastasiou, 2005) and hence having to pass these courses serves to establish the PhD as the more rigorous credential. The more difficult something is to acquire, be it an object or a degree, the more prestigious it is considered (Clark, 1986; Grace, 1989; Sawiński, 1986). The perceived lack of rigor is why some academics consider the EdD to be a “low‐end PhD” (Shulman et al , 2006) or “PhD‐lite” (Redden, 2007), and it could be that the absence of research instruction in professional doctorate programs in ministry (see Meadows et al , 1973) is detrimental to the image of the DMin as well.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The prestige of the Doctor of Ministry among Roman Catholic priests, deacons, and directors of religious education

Roszkowski

Berna

2012

Higher Education, Skills and Work-Based Learning

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PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to assess the prestige of the Doctor of Ministry (DMin) among Roman Catholics in leadership positions, who may be a potential market for this degree.Design/methodology/approachIn a mail survey employing a comparative rating scale, respondents rated the prestige of the DMin relative to six other doctorates: PhD, EdD, PsyD, DBA, MD, and JD.FindingsRatings were provided by 184 priests, 73 deacons, and 95 directors of religious education (69 lay, 26 sisters). The DMin carried the least prestige with priests and the most with religious educators, particularly the sisters. In all groups, the DMin fared best on prestige when compared to the professional doctorates (DBA, EdD, PsyD) and worst relative to the traditional degrees (MD, JD, and PhD). When submitted to a cluster analysis, three groups emerged, corresponding to negative (46 percent), neutral (38 percent), and positive (16 percent) impressions of the prestige of the DMin. The majority of the priests (44 percent) were in the negative cluster whereas the largest proportion of deacons (45 percent) and most lay religious educators (71 percent) fell into the neutral cluster. In contrast, the largest proportion of the religious educators who were sisters by background went into the positive cluster (40 percent). With the exception of the sisters, the percentage of each group falling into the positive cluster was quite small and approximately the same size across the remaining three groups (16 percent, 15 percent, and 13 percent). A discriminant analysis of the clusters identified two discriminating functions; the primary function involved perceptions of the DMin relative to the traditional degrees (MD, JD, and PhD), whereas the very minor second function involved how the DMin is perceived in comparison to the newer practice doctorates (EdD, DBA, and PsyD).Research limitations/implicationsThe response rate was low.Practical implicationsCurrently, owing to its low prestige, the DMin probably does not have a sizable potential market among Roman Catholic priests, but it may appeal more to religious educators.Social implicationsThe DMin may be subject to the same concerns and prejudices as raised about other professional doctorates.Originality/valueRoman Catholics are a non‐traditional audience for the DMin. This degree's perceived prestige was not previously studied in this emerging market.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The prestige of the Doctor of Ministry among Roman Catholic priests, deacons, and directors of religious education

Roszkowski

Berna

2012

Higher Education, Skills and Work-Based Learning

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“…This follows a review of the evidence indicating that the intelligentsia are rated higher in terms of prestige than private businessmen, despite the fact that the latter have much greater incomes, and that skilled workers are rated higher in prestige than unskilled whitecollar non-manual workers (a reversal of the conventional prestige rankings to be found in Western studies-see Slomczynski & Krauze, 1986). Research into the prestige of specific occupations in the later 1950s found that, according to public opinion, university professors, doctors and teachers were at the top of the status hierarchy, whilst they were very much lower in the income hierarchy (Sarapata & Wesolowski, 1961) and later research in 1981 indicates that there were strong correlations between educational levels and occupational prestige (Sawinski, 1986).…”

Section: Education and Social Stratification In Polandmentioning

confidence: 98%

Education and Economic Crisis in Poland

Webb

Vulliamy

1989

Educational Review

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The 1980s economic crisis in Poland is leading to distortions in the conventional relationships between education and the socio-economic structure. These distortions are examined here using a combination of case-study research data from school visits and research literature on education and society in contemporary Poland. The progressive devaluation of material rewards for those jobs requiring high educational credentials has had a number of consequences. These include the increasing feminisation of education and academic life; a decline in educational aspirations, especially among working-class males; and deleterious implications for the morale and working conditions of school teachers. Education is no longer a major factor in upward mobility and inequalities in wealth and income have replaced inequalities in educational opportunity as predominant concerns of Polish people.Nevertheless, there is a persistently strong demand for education among the intelligentsia, suggesting a kind of rearguard action against a rising tide of materialism.

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“…dating) jest mechanizmem wyboru partnera, w którym wygrywa ten, kto zajmuje najwyższe pozycje. Podczas wyboru małżonka liczą się status oraz prestiż (Sawiński, 1986;Domański, 2019). Posiadanie wyższego wykształcenia jest jednym z nich.…”

Section: Kapitał Kulturowy -Najgłębsza Dystynkcjaunclassified

„Nie wyszłabym za jakiegoś malarza ściennego, prawda?” Klasowe mechanizmy wyboru małżonka w polskiej klasie wyższej

Kamecka

2023

PSJ

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Celem artykułu jest analiza zasad generatywnych wpływających na wybór współmałżonka/i w polskiej klasie wyższej, z wykorzystaniem kategorii interpretacyjnych Pierre’a Bourdieu. Małżeństwo jest rozumiane jako instytucja społeczna przyczyniająca się do reprodukowania nierówności klasowych, a istniejąca homogamia małżeńska zdaje się potwierdzać tę tezę. W tekście omówiono strategie małżeńskie oraz zasady wartościowania i wzory atrakcyjności w polskiej klasie wyższej. Badanie przeprowadzono za pomocą metody jakościowej, wywiadów indywidualnych z elementami biografii. Klasa wyższa wybiera swojego przyszłego małżonka na podstawie osobliwych preferencji, na które składają się kapitał kulturowy, definiowany jako wyższe wykształcenie, gust, maniery, oraz kapitał ekonomiczny, czyli posiadane zasoby finansowe. Z kolei ucieleśniony habitus, czyli ciało, decyduje o wstępnej akceptacji bądź odrzuceniu partnera.

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The Prestige of Education

Cited by 7 publications

References 2 publications

The prestige of the Doctor of Ministry among Roman Catholic priests, deacons, and directors of religious education

The prestige of the Doctor of Ministry among Roman Catholic priests, deacons, and directors of religious education

Education and Economic Crisis in Poland

„Nie wyszłabym za jakiegoś malarza ściennego, prawda?” Klasowe mechanizmy wyboru małżonka w polskiej klasie wyższej

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