Abstract:The site-size hierarchy concept enables researchers to transform archaeological survey data into political classifications. Yet everything about the site-size rubric is worth re-thinking, from the reliability of surface-survey data to the recognition that sites of all sizes act autonomously within territorial configurations. New ways can visualize and analyze the process whereby complex societies (chiefdoms and states) emerge through the materialized energies of constituent parts (cities, towns, resource zones… Show more
“…In archeological research, methods have been developed for imputing the relative importance of individual settlements to political and economic development. Initially, those methods were based on estimating population size (Duffy 2015), but it is now widely accepted that a focus on size alone is insufficient (Smith 2021). Size is an indicator of the level of human activity in a location, but not necessarily of how that location fits into the broader settlement landscape (Quinn & Ciugudean 2018).…”
Section: Central Places and Rural Settlement Hierarchiesmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Quinn and Barrier (2014) further emphasise the importance of legacy in that some places may retain certain reputations, resources and power irrespective of growth or decline in population size because of functions they performed in the past. This might be because of legacy infrastructure (like a significant church building) or social ties -where people with power retain links with smaller villages that they or their families once occupied (Smith 2021).…”
Section: Central Places and Rural Settlement Hierarchiesmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…In contrast to hierarchies, landscapes may be characterised by settlement heterarchies (Quinn & Barrier 2014;Smith 2021) in which different settlements are favoured for particular functions. Settlement heterarchies can operate across time as well as space, such that a settlement may be an important market location (with few other functions) for some time, then become more significant as a place of worship (losing the marketplace), and then return (or not) to its market role.…”
Section: Central Places and Rural Settlement Hierarchiesmentioning
Small villages in northern Sweden have seen a continuing removal of key services, such as schools, shops and public transport, since the 1970s. Disinvestment in public services has not been strategically planned but has happened in response to population loss and increased costs on a case-by-case basis. More recently, there has been a shift in policy thinking to what might be termed a ‘de-growth’ approach where digitalisation and increased personal mobility are used to provide new ways of delivering services. The purpose of this paper is to examine the existence of ‘resource deserts’ in Southern Lapland and the emergence (or consolidation) of village hierarchies in allocating public services. We map out the distribution of neighbourhood services (grocery stores, pre-/schools and petrol pumps) among villages, and explore the lived experiences in accessing these resources in different villages. Our results show that resource deserts clearly exist in the south and east of the region, while villages in the more sparsely populated western mountain areas were generally in a better position to retain resources. We identify a lack of consistent and transparent service planning at the village level as a key shortcoming in municipal and regional service strategies. There appear to be unofficial settlement hierarchies in the differential treatment of villages that are otherwise similar in population size, population change and distance to central places. We find that political decisions on service allocations are likely influenced by several factors. These include legacy effects relating to historic settlement status, the location of villages in relation to key transport or mobility corridors, as well as ideological factors favouring villages with more ‘exotic’ features and development potential in line with the municipalities’ economic, social and political priorities. We finally argue that a shift to de-growth needs to be more strategically planned if it is to eliminate resource deserts and promote equity of service access across all villages.
“…In archeological research, methods have been developed for imputing the relative importance of individual settlements to political and economic development. Initially, those methods were based on estimating population size (Duffy 2015), but it is now widely accepted that a focus on size alone is insufficient (Smith 2021). Size is an indicator of the level of human activity in a location, but not necessarily of how that location fits into the broader settlement landscape (Quinn & Ciugudean 2018).…”
Section: Central Places and Rural Settlement Hierarchiesmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Quinn and Barrier (2014) further emphasise the importance of legacy in that some places may retain certain reputations, resources and power irrespective of growth or decline in population size because of functions they performed in the past. This might be because of legacy infrastructure (like a significant church building) or social ties -where people with power retain links with smaller villages that they or their families once occupied (Smith 2021).…”
Section: Central Places and Rural Settlement Hierarchiesmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…In contrast to hierarchies, landscapes may be characterised by settlement heterarchies (Quinn & Barrier 2014;Smith 2021) in which different settlements are favoured for particular functions. Settlement heterarchies can operate across time as well as space, such that a settlement may be an important market location (with few other functions) for some time, then become more significant as a place of worship (losing the marketplace), and then return (or not) to its market role.…”
Section: Central Places and Rural Settlement Hierarchiesmentioning
Small villages in northern Sweden have seen a continuing removal of key services, such as schools, shops and public transport, since the 1970s. Disinvestment in public services has not been strategically planned but has happened in response to population loss and increased costs on a case-by-case basis. More recently, there has been a shift in policy thinking to what might be termed a ‘de-growth’ approach where digitalisation and increased personal mobility are used to provide new ways of delivering services. The purpose of this paper is to examine the existence of ‘resource deserts’ in Southern Lapland and the emergence (or consolidation) of village hierarchies in allocating public services. We map out the distribution of neighbourhood services (grocery stores, pre-/schools and petrol pumps) among villages, and explore the lived experiences in accessing these resources in different villages. Our results show that resource deserts clearly exist in the south and east of the region, while villages in the more sparsely populated western mountain areas were generally in a better position to retain resources. We identify a lack of consistent and transparent service planning at the village level as a key shortcoming in municipal and regional service strategies. There appear to be unofficial settlement hierarchies in the differential treatment of villages that are otherwise similar in population size, population change and distance to central places. We find that political decisions on service allocations are likely influenced by several factors. These include legacy effects relating to historic settlement status, the location of villages in relation to key transport or mobility corridors, as well as ideological factors favouring villages with more ‘exotic’ features and development potential in line with the municipalities’ economic, social and political priorities. We finally argue that a shift to de-growth needs to be more strategically planned if it is to eliminate resource deserts and promote equity of service access across all villages.
“…We suggest that these differing viewpoints can be reconciled if we approach urbanization and political centralization as dynamic, ongoing processes of assemblage creation rather than singular events (Crellin 2020). City and state are not fixed entities (Leadbetter 2021;M.L. Smith 2021).…”
mentioning
confidence: 96%
“…City and state are not fixed entities (Leadbetter 2021; M.L. Smith 2021). Figure 1.Map showing the approximate extent of Wari and Wari-influenced artifacts, as well as the location of some of the sites mentioned in the text.…”
At the time of the Spanish invasion, central Andean society was organized around ayllus. These extensive social units, bound together by kinship, reciprocity, land claims, honoured ancestors and other criteria, are an example of the kin-based sodalities that have long been seen in political science as impediments to state development. Class should replace kin when large and complex polities like the Inca Empire form, and groups like the ayllu should fade away. This article seeks to re-evaluate the role played by kin-based sodalities in early state formation and expansion through a case study of the Wari State (ce 600–1000). We argue that the decades-long development of ayllus was a reaction to incipient urbanization, surging interregional interaction and the other challenges associated with Wari's rise. Ayllu development created a more heterarchical political structure that would endure some 200 years into the polity's existence. Elite efforts to consolidate power in the ninth century ce ultimately led to the polity's decline and highlight the need to develop more dynamic models of urbanization and state formation in the Andes and elsewhere.
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