The Qing Formation and the Early-Modern Period

Rawski, Evelyn S.

doi:10.2307/j.ctt1tfj908.10

Cited by 20 publications

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“…This is because the tributary states often received cultural and economic benefits through the tributary trades with China, which was economically disadvantageous to the Chinese empire (Palat, 1999). More importantly, both Dreyer (2007) (Rawski 1996(Rawski , 2001(Rawski , 2004a(Rawski , 2004b(Rawski , 2005Elliott, 2001;Waley-Cohen, 2004). They have repeatedly argued that the Qing history should be interpreted through a Manchu-based historical view while rejecting the unclear concept of the Ming-Qing continuum that has been widely used in comparative military studies (Perdue, 2005).…”

Section: Against This Eurocentric Military Narrative Some Comparativmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Furthermore, it is important for them to avoid the trap of assuming Ming‐Qing military homogeneousness (Waley‐Cohen, 2006). To identify Qing China's military evolution and to explicate how the Qing emperors governed huge territories and maintained dominant relationships with the neighboring countries, New Qing historians have investigated what motivated the Qing military power (Rawski 1996, 2001, 2004a, 2004b, 2005; Elliott, 2001; Waley‐Cohen, 2004). They have repeatedly argued that the Qing history should be interpreted through a Manchu‐based historical view while rejecting the unclear concept of the Ming‐Qing continuum that has been widely used in comparative military studies (Perdue, 2005).…”

Section: A Missing Link Of Early Qing Military Heritage In Comparativmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Forging a Pure Military Identity: The Rise of Jurchen Heritage in Northeast Asia (15^th–17^th Century)

Ru¹

2020

J Historical Sociology

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Prominent studies of the Qing dynasty's military evolution in the field of comparative military history, which is heavily dependent on the binary conception of "West-China," have failed to present the early military heritage of the dynasty. Unlike previous studies, this paper aims to find a new voice for the early Qing military inheritance, as a reflection of past West-China comparative studies that have continued to discriminate between Western and Chinese military merits and demerits and to ignore the early Qing military approach. By presenting the economic and military interconnections between the Manchu (the Jianzhou Jurchens, the Jianzhou confederation, and Nurhaci), Ming, and Chosŏn, this article reveals that early economic and military development through border trade, tributary trade, and predatory behaviors enabled the Manchus to establish the Later Jin and Qing states. Understanding early Manchu military history helps us put forward an important but less studied military heritage of Qing. 1 | INTRODUCTION This paper attempts to unearth an important aspect of the Qing military evolution that is hardly imaginable when seen from the perspective of existing comparative military approaches. To reconceptualize the early Qing military development from the fifteenth century to the early seventeenth century, I explore the economic-military relationships between the early Manchu (the Jianzhou Jurchens, the Jianzhou confederation, and Nurhaci), Ming, and Chosŏn. By drawing attention to early Manchu history and its connection with the Qing empire within Northeast Asia's geopolitical context, I examine how the early Manchu economic and military systems developed. As a means of revealing these connections, I investigate how trade between early Manchu and Ming and Chosŏn contributed to the economic and military development of early Qing. I will investigate how comparative military researchers and New Qing historians have described the late imperial China's military path and what discussions have been conducted over the long term. I hope to present the

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Section: Against This Eurocentric Military Narrative Some Comparativmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: A Missing Link Of Early Qing Military Heritage In Comparativmentioning

confidence: 99%

Forging a Pure Military Identity: The Rise of Jurchen Heritage in Northeast Asia (15^th–17^th Century)

Ru¹

2020

J Historical Sociology

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“…By the turn of the eighteenth century, the Qing emperor had leveled the powers of local warlords and noblemen (Wakeman 1985). Through successive empirewide land surveys and a "rationalizing fiscal reform" in the 1720s and 1730s, the Qing rulers stamped out bureaucratic corruption and tax evasion among local elites (Zelin 1984;Rawski 2004). The power of the Qing state was so centralized that many European Enlightenment philosophers regarded it as a perfect absolutist state that European monarchs should emulate (Hung 2003: 260-65).…”

Section: State Market and Neo-confucianism In Mid-qing Chinamentioning

confidence: 99%

“…In this regard, mid-Qing China (c. 1683-1839) is a significant case. Recent studies show that, in contrast to the orientalist portrayal of imperial China as a stagnant agrarian empire, mid-Qing China in fact witnessed administrative rationalization and commerce-driven economic growth comparable to contemporaneous Europe (Wong 1997; Lee and Wang 1999;Marsh 2000;Pomeranz 2000;Hung 2001Hung , 2003Rawski 2004). But the cultural dynamism of mid-Qing China, despite subtle modifications of the neo-Confucianist orthodoxy, such as increasing respect for women and the rise of pragmatic statecraft thoughts (Mann 1997;Rowe 2001), paled in comparison with the turbulent cultural transformation of eighteenth-and early-nineteenth-century Europe.…”

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confidence: 99%

Cultural Strategies and the Political Economy of Protest in Mid-Qing China, 1740-1839

Hung¹

2009

Social Science History

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In the historical study of contentious politics, political economy theories see the transformation of the dominant form of contention from reactive violence to proactive demonstration in early modern Europe as a result of large-scale political-economic processes like state formation and market expansion. Culturalist theories emphasize instead the significance of large-scale cultural reconstitutions in forging such transformation. Judging between these two theories is no easy task, as macropolitical-economic and cultural changes were concurrent in most cases. Mid-Qing China (c. 1683-1839), which experienced state centralization and commercialization in conjunction with a relatively stable neo-Confucianist hegemony, constitutes a telling case that helps resolve the debate. By analyzing a catalog of political protest events derived from archival sources, I find that Chinese protest changed from predominantly reactive violence in the seventeenth century to proactive demonstration in the mid-eighteenth century and back to reactive violence in the nineteenth century. The general direction of change can be explained by the cyclical trajectories of state formation and market development alone. At the same time, the specific claims and repertoires of protest were always delimited by the cultural idioms available in the overarching neo-Confucianist orthodoxy of the time. This study suggests an integrated perspective synthesizing both culturalist and political economy accounts to offer a fuller explanation of macrohistorical changes in contentious politics.

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“…56 Evelyn Rawski agrees, noting that 'elites, ideas, and religions moved across regions with greater frequency than ever before, significantly influencing intellectual and cultural life'. 57 World history scholarship has stressed the origins of this transformation in the immediately preceding period, a time of increased interregional contact and cross-cultural interaction involving Turkic migrations, the Mongol, Inca and Aztec Empires, and the Indian Ocean trading network. 58 It has also highlighted the disastrous results of these new contacts, particularly for peoples of the western hemisphere and noted the roles played by Asians and Africans in shaping these encounters; it is no longer just a story of intrepid Europeans in ships.…”

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confidence: 99%

Do Women Need the Renaissance?

Wiesner‐Hanks

2008

Gender & History

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Joan Kelly's path‐breaking article, ‘Did Women have a Renaissance?’, first published in 1977, led historians of women in many fields to question the applicability of chronological categories derived from male experience. Thirty years later, the questioning continues, augmented by doubts about whether all systems of periodisation over‐simplify the diversity of gender. This paper examines what might be lost if feminist historians, in their sensitivity to difference, refuse to apply structures of periodisation. It looks at challenges to both ‘Renaissance’ and ‘early modern’ as conceptual categories and suggests ways in which gender is and must remain central to understandings of these eras.

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The Qing Formation and the Early-Modern Period

Cited by 20 publications

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Forging a Pure Military Identity: The Rise of Jurchen Heritage in Northeast Asia (15^th–17^th Century)

Forging a Pure Military Identity: The Rise of Jurchen Heritage in Northeast Asia (15^th–17^th Century)

Cultural Strategies and the Political Economy of Protest in Mid-Qing China, 1740-1839

Do Women Need the Renaissance?

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The Qing Formation and the Early-Modern Period

Cited by 20 publications

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Forging a Pure Military Identity: The Rise of Jurchen Heritage in Northeast Asia (15th–17th Century)

Forging a Pure Military Identity: The Rise of Jurchen Heritage in Northeast Asia (15th–17th Century)

Cultural Strategies and the Political Economy of Protest in Mid-Qing China, 1740-1839

Do Women Need the Renaissance?

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Forging a Pure Military Identity: The Rise of Jurchen Heritage in Northeast Asia (15^th–17^th Century)

Forging a Pure Military Identity: The Rise of Jurchen Heritage in Northeast Asia (15^th–17^th Century)