The Referendum–Election Nexus: an Aggregate Analysis of Norwegian Voting Behaviour

Midtbø, Tor; Hines, Kjell

doi:10.1016/s0261-3794(97)00068-1

Cited by 49 publications

(11 citation statements)

References 18 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Order By: Relevance

“…While generally voters followed party instructions, a significant number of voters defected from the party line ("Dopitvaneto ha granitsata na 20-te protsenta s rezultat 60:40 v polza na AETS", 27 January 2013). This is consistent with the broader comparative empirical evidence, which shows that many voters do not adhere to the party line (Pierce, Valen, and Listhaug 1983;Siune and Svensson 1993;Kobach 1994;Magleby 1994;Trechsel and Kriesi 1996;Midtbo and Hines 1998;De Vreese 2006;Hobolt 2006Hobolt , 2009 and that issue positions are an important determinant of vote choice in referendums (Hobolt 2009, 75-79). If vote choice is mostly determined by issue positions, and parties exert lower pressure on the media, direct democracy exercises such as referendums have even greater merit in a country undergoing a political crisis such as Bulgaria.…”

Section: Resultssupporting

confidence: 80%

The Bulgarian “Nuclear Referendum” of 2013 and the independence of the Bulgarian media

Bagashka

2014

East European Politics

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

This article analyses the media coverage of the 2013 Bulgarian "nuclear" referendum. We investigate the balance between Yes and No arguments on the construction of the Belene nuclear power plant, nuclear energy in general, and conducting a referendum on the nuclear issue. We also examine the quality of the reasons given and the frequency of government and ruling party sources. We find that the newspapers under examination voiced a diversity of viewpoints and sources. In light of recent assessments of the Bulgarian media, bias in media coverage of the referendum was not significant.

show abstract

Section: Resultssupporting

confidence: 80%

The Bulgarian “Nuclear Referendum” of 2013 and the independence of the Bulgarian media

Bagashka

2014

East European Politics

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…Our approach to explaining referendum voting as a function of previous party voting and economic variables is very similar to research on referendums in other contexts. Research on referendums within Europe, for example, use party returns in the last election as well as measures of cleavages, which include economic characteristics such as percentage of primary sector workers, occupational skill level, and education level (Pettersen, Jenssen and Listhaug ; Midtbo and Hines ; Markowski and Tucker ).…”

Section: Empirical Evidencementioning

confidence: 99%

Trade Policy, Economic Interests, and Party Politics in a Developing Country: The Political Economy of CAFTA-DR

2013

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Developing countries have increasingly opened their economies to trade. Research about trade policy in developed countries focuses on a bottom-up process by identifying economic preferences of domestic groups. We know less about developing countries. We analyze how economic and political variables influenced Costa Rican voters in a referendum on CAFTA-DR, an international trade agreement. We find little support for Stolper-Samuelson models of economic preferences, but more support for specific factor models. We also isolate the effects of political parties on the referendum, controlling for many economic factors; we document how at least one party influenced voters and this made the difference for CAFTA-DR passage. Politics, namely parties using their organizational strength to cue and frame messages for voters, influenced this important trade policy decision. Theories about trade policy need to take into account top-down political factors along with economic interests. 1 The online appendix for this paper and data sets are available at http://hdl.handle.net/1902.1/19349. A previous version of this paper was presented at IPES 2008 and APSA 2009. We would like to thank numerous reviewers and David Francis and Torben Behmer for research assistance.2 Turnout was roughly the same as for the combined presidential and legislative elections of 2006. On

show abstract

“…It has also been suggested parties are punished or rewarded in post-referendum elections for their referendum positions and how successful these positions were. Thus, as Midtbø & Hines (1998) note, causality need not run solely from party to referendum: as their analysis of Norwegian electoral and referendum votes in 1993-1994 suggests, political parties both affect and are affected by referendum outcomes. In addition to partisanship, recent research has focused on incumbent popularity and voter assessment of government performance as a relevant variable influencing public support for European integration (Franklin, Marsh & McLaren 1994;Franklin, van der Eijk & Marsh 1995).…”

Section: Explaining Support For European Integrationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Determinants of public support for EU membership: Data from the Baltic countries

Ehin¹

2001

European J Political Res

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Focusing on individual-level determinants of public support for EU membership, this paper brings the literature on Western European integration to bear on the Eastern and Central European accession. Existing theories have focused on utilitarian expectations, political values, and domestic politics as determinants of public attitudes toward European integration. The paper discusses the applicability of the proposed theories and measures in the Eastern European context and develops a model that identifies micro-level economic expectations, support for democratic norms, trust in the national government, and perceptions of ethnic tension as possible determinants of public support for EU membership. These propositions are tested with survey data from Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania, using logistic regression. The results lend strong support to the expected gains and domestic politics hypotheses but suggest that individual competitiveness, a frequently used proxy for economic expectations, may be a poor predictor of attitudes toward the EU in the CEE context. Perceptions of increased ethnic tensions were found to decrease minority support for EU membership in Latvia, the Baltic country that has pursued particularly stringent citizenship and minority policies. Identification with democratic norms did not influence opinions in Latvia and Estonia, while having an unexpected negative effect on the attitudes of the Lithuanian public.

show abstract

The Referendum–Election Nexus: an Aggregate Analysis of Norwegian Voting Behaviour

Cited by 49 publications

References 18 publications

The Bulgarian “Nuclear Referendum” of 2013 and the independence of the Bulgarian media

The Bulgarian “Nuclear Referendum” of 2013 and the independence of the Bulgarian media

Trade Policy, Economic Interests, and Party Politics in a Developing Country: The Political Economy of CAFTA-DR

Determinants of public support for EU membership: Data from the Baltic countries

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About