The regulation of explicit and implicit race bias: The role of motivations to respond without prejudice.

Devine, Patricia G.; Plant, E. Ashby; Amodio, David M.; Harmon‐Jones, Eddie; Vance, Stephanie L.

doi:10.1037/0022-3514.82.5.835

Cited by 609 publications

(687 citation statements)

References 53 publications

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“…The suppression of prejudices has long been seen as an effortful, inhibitory, top-down regulation (Devine & Monteith, 1999), but more recent findings point to the possibility of overlearned, automated forms of prejudice inhibition. Specifically, participants highly motivated to control prejudiced responses not only expressed less explicit prejudice, but also less bias in tasks that did not afford conscious control, like evaluative priming (Maddux, Barden, Brewer, & Petty, 2005), startle eye blink response (Amodio, Harmon-Jones, & Devine, 2003), or an Implicit Association Task (Devine, Plant, Amodio, Harmon-Jones, & Vance, 2002). An analogous automated suppression of sex-induced aggression would seem highly desirable for the development towards a society without sexual aggression.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Exploring the Automatic Undercurrents of Sexual Narcissism: Individual Differences in the Sex-Aggression Link

2013

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Sexual narcissism has recently been proposed to be a specific risk factor for the perpetration of sexual coercion based on both self-reports of previous behavior and self-estimated likelihood of engaging in acts of sexual violence. To explore one of the potential underlying mechanisms of sexual narcissism, we tested whether for highly sexually narcissistic males the subtle priming of sexual concepts would evoke aggressive behavior in a standard measure of aggressive behavior, the Taylor Aggression Paradigm. Results showed that only for sexually narcissistic men did a subtle priming with mildly erotic words lead to an increase in shock volumes administered to the alleged competitor on this task. For women, it was postulated that physical force would not be represented as a functional behavioral script for sexually narcissistic females and, in line with this hypothesis, no effects were found for women. The results were discussed with regard to the underlying processes of sexual narcissism and the importance of an individual difference perspective in sex-aggression links.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Exploring the Automatic Undercurrents of Sexual Narcissism: Individual Differences in the Sex-Aggression Link

2013

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“…This idea builds on Devine's model of prejudice (Devine, 1989;Devine et al, 2002) that posits that the distinction between high and low prejudice individuals is the motivation to control discriminatory beliefs and attitudes. Studies using unobtrusive measures, such as social distance (e.g.…”

Section: Implications Of This Evidencementioning

confidence: 99%

Societal and Managerial Implications of Implicit Social Cognition: Why Milliseconds Matter

Chugh¹

2004

Social Justice Research

105

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This article argues for the vulnerability of managerial work to unintended forms of racial and other bias. Recent insights into "implicit social cognition" are summarized, highlighting the prevalence of those mental processes that are relatively unconscious and automatic, and employed in understanding the self and others. Evidence from a response-time measure of implicit bias, the Implicit Association Test, ("IAT";Greenwald, McGhee, and Schwartz, 1998) (Mintzberg, 1973). Implicit bias influences managerial behavior in unexpected ways, and this influence is heightened in the messy, pressured, and distracting environments in which managers operate. illustrates this phenomenon. Recent work on the predictive validity of the IAT demonstrates that social cognitive pitfalls threaten a) managers' explicit commitments to egalitarianism and meritocracy and b) managers' performance in their three primary roles of processing information, interacting with others, and making decisions

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“…However, despite the theoretical importance of this issue, little research has simultaneously examined the perception of race and expression. Instead, the majority of previous research has examined these cues in isolation, independent of one another; research on race perception typically examines responses to faces with emotionally neutral expressions (e.g., Devine, Plant, Amodio, Harmon-Jones, & Vance, 2002;Levin, 2000;Greenwald & Banaji, 1995), and research on emotional expression often examines responses to faces depicting only one race (typically Caucasian) (e.g., Eimer, Holmes, & McGlone, 2003;Hansen & Hansen, 1988). While it is necessary to investigate the independent effects of these cues, they are typically perceived simultaneously, making it important to understand how the cues are perceived in combination throughout processing.…”

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confidence: 99%

Multiple cues in social perception: The time course of processing race and facial expression

Kubota

Ito

2007

Journal of Experimental Social Psychology

158

182

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The purpose of the present study was to examine the time course of race and expression processing to determine how these cues influence early perceptual as well as explicit categorization judgments. Despite their importance in social perception, little research has examined how social category information and emotional expression are processed over time. Moreover, although models of face processing suggest that the two cues should be processed independently, this has rarely been directly examined. Event-related brain potentials were recorded as participants made race and emotion categorization judgments of Black and White men posing either happy, angry, or neutral expressions. Our findings support that processing of race and emotion cues occur independently and in parallel, relatively early in processing.Faces convey important social information that is useful for a variety of inferences. For instance, information about racial group membership and emotional expression can be informative about an individual's likely traits, attributes, and behavioral intentions (Bodenhausen & Macrae, 1998;Brewer, 1988;Devine, 1989;Fiske, Lin, & Neuberg, 1999), and perhaps not surprisingly, extensive research has documented our ability to quickly and efficiently extract both types of information from faces ( Weike, Stockburger, & Hamm, 2004;Vanderploeg, Brown, & Marsh, 1987). While it is possible to consider how individual sources of information affect social inferences, such as how race affects evaluations, it is also important to consider the more naturalistic question of how multiple sources of social information are processed from faces. That is, we can consider how both race and emotion information are processed from the same face.Models of face processing suggest that information about social identity and emotional expression are processed separately and in parallel (Bruce & Young, 1986;Haxby, Hoffman, & Gobbini, 2000). According to Bruce and Young (1986), social category information such as age and gender and information regarding emotional expression are processed by functionally separate components of the face perception system. Moreover, these separable components are assumed to operate in parallel (see also Mouchetant-Rostaing & Giard, 2003), suggesting little interaction between the two types of information, at least in initial stages of perception. Haxby et al. (2000) have similarly argued that the perception of invariant,

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The regulation of explicit and implicit race bias: The role of motivations to respond without prejudice.

Cited by 609 publications

References 53 publications

Exploring the Automatic Undercurrents of Sexual Narcissism: Individual Differences in the Sex-Aggression Link

Exploring the Automatic Undercurrents of Sexual Narcissism: Individual Differences in the Sex-Aggression Link

Societal and Managerial Implications of Implicit Social Cognition: Why Milliseconds Matter

Multiple cues in social perception: The time course of processing race and facial expression

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