The Relationship between the Perception and Production of Coarticulation during a Sound Change in Progress

Kleber, Felicitas; Harrington, Jonathan; Reubold, Ulrich

doi:10.1177/0023830911422194

Cited by 60 publications

(54 citation statements)

References 47 publications

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“…This expectation is supported by the findings in Kleber et al (2011) that F2 is lower in /ʊ/ before a following /l/ than before a following coronal obstruent (wool vs. soot). Another aspect in which /uː/ and /ʊ/ are similar is that both vowels are currently undergoing fronting in SBE (Bauer, 1985;Hawkins & Midgley, 2005;Fabricius, 2007;McDougall & Nolan, 2007;Harrington, 2007;Harrington et al, 2008;Kleber et al, 2011). However, /ʊ/-fronting appears to be a younger change overall (Hawkins & Midgley, 2005;Harrington et al, 2011), which allows us to investigate the hypothesis that fuzzy contrasts affect only phonetically advanced changes.…”

Section: Introductionsupporting

confidence: 58%

“…There is phonetic similarity between /uː/ and /ʊ/, so we expect them to enter in a similar coarticulatory relationship with the following /l/. This expectation is supported by the findings in Kleber et al (2011) that F2 is lower in /ʊ/ before a following /l/ than before a following coronal obstruent (wool vs. soot). Another aspect in which /uː/ and /ʊ/ are similar is that both vowels are currently undergoing fronting in SBE (Bauer, 1985;Hawkins & Midgley, 2005;Fabricius, 2007;McDougall & Nolan, 2007;Harrington, 2007;Harrington et al, 2008;Kleber et al, 2011).…”

Section: Introductionsupporting

confidence: 53%

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Whence the fuzziness? Morphological effects in interacting sound changes in Southern British English

Strycharczuk

Scobbie

2017

Laboratory Phonology

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The fronting of the high-back /uː/ and /ʊ/, as currently seen in Southern British English (SBE), is a rare opportunity to study two similar sound changes at different stages of their phonetic development: /uː/-fronting is a more advanced change than /ʊ/-fronting. Since the fronting in both vowels is restricted from applying before a following final /l/ (e.g., in words like fool or pull), we can exploit the difference in the phonetic advancement of /uː/ and /ʊ/-fronting to illuminate the nature of 'fuzzy contrasts' affecting vowel+/l/ sequences in morphologically complex words. As recent results show that /uː/-fronting is partially limited in fool-ing (but not in monomorphemes like hula), we ask whether similar morphological constraints affect /ʊ/ followed by /l/ (e.g., bully vs. pull-ing). Simultaneously, we consider the question of what phonological generalization best captures the interaction between vowel fronting, /l/-darkening, and morphological structure. We present ultrasound data from 20 speakers of SBE representing two age groups. The data show that morphologically conditioned contrasts are consistent for /uː/+/l/, but variable and limited in size for /ʊ/+/l/. We relate these findings to the debate on morphology-phonetics interactions and the emergence of phonological abstraction.

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Section: Introductionsupporting

confidence: 58%

Section: Introductionsupporting

confidence: 53%

Whence the fuzziness? Morphological effects in interacting sound changes in Southern British English

Strycharczuk

Scobbie

2017

Laboratory Phonology

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“…The sigmoid function (from which the 50% perceptual cross-over points averaged over all listeners was derived) and the statistical analysis were carried out with a generalized linear mixed model (GLMM) as implemented in the lme4 package (Pinheiro and Bates 2000) of the R software (version 2.14.1, R Development Core Team 2008). Categorical Response (/ç/ or /ʃ/) was the dependent variable, Continuum was the (numeric) fixed factor, and Listener was the random factor (see also Kleber et al [2012] for a more detailed description of this method).…”

Section: Analysesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Sound change in an urban setting: Category instability of the palatal fricative in Berlin

Jannedy

Weirich

2014

Laboratory Phonology

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Abstract:The differential categorization of identical stimuli depending on the presence of a prime is described as a perceptual divergence effect. We examined whether native listeners of the Berlin vernacular of German categorized identical acoustic stimuli differently in the explicit context of the names of two different districts of Berlin, assuming that listeners infer social information and linguistic stereotypes based on the names of these neighborhoods (Kreuzberg vs. Zehlendorf). All listeners categorized natural acoustic stimuli with synthetic fricatives synthesized along a continuum ranging from /ç/ to /ʃ/ as either Fichte /fɪçtə/ ('spruce') or fischte /fɪʃtə/ (1st person sg. 'to fish'). This variable was chosen because many young multiethnic speakers of Berlin German pronounce /ç/ as [ ʃ ] or [ɕ], and this alternation is highly associated with speakers with a migrant background from Kreuzberg. Data were gathered in a forced-choice identification task, and, for a subset of the participants, reaction times (RTs) were also gathered. Results indicate a differential categorization pattern depending on (1) the copresented information, i.e., Kreuzberg, Zehlendorf, or none (control), and (2) the age of the listeners, with older listeners being more affected by the co-presented information. While older listeners categorized significantly more /ʃ/ sounds in the context of Kreuzberg than in the control or Zehlendorf condition, younger listeners rated most /ʃ/ sounds in the control condition (no added information). Results are interpreted in terms of a potential sound change in progress: the loss of the phoneme contrast between /ç/ and /ʃ/.

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“…The experimental approach used in the present study is inspired by the feature-parsing model of Gow [36] and the work of, for example, Ohala and Feder [37], Fowler et al [38], Harrington et al [39], and Kleber et al [40] on the perceptual compensation of coarticulation. The basic idea behind this approach is the following: If listeners interpret a certain aspect of a sound segment as being due to an external factor, then they "subtract" this aspect from the sound segment when identifying its phoneme category.…”

Section: Approach and Hypothesesmentioning

confidence: 99%

On the perception of “segmental intonation”: F0 context effects on sibilant identification in German

Niebuhr

2017

J AUDIO SPEECH MUSIC PROC.

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In normal modally voiced utterances, voiceless fricatives like [s], [ʃ], [f], and [x] vary such that their aperiodic pitch impressions mirror the pitch level of the adjacent F0 contour. For instance, if the F0 contour creates a high or low pitch context, then the aperiodic pitch impression of the fricative in this context will also be high or low. This contextmatching effect has been termed "segmental intonation". While there is accumulating evidence for segmental intonation in speech production, less is known about if and how segmental intonation is actually integrated in the perception of utterance tunes. This question is addressed here in a perception experiment in which listeners identified target words ending in either [ʃ] or [s]. The two sibilants inherently create low or high aperiodic pitch impressions in listeners due to their characteristically different spectral energy distributions. The sibilants were preceded by high or low F0 contexts in the target words. Results show a clear F0-context effect. The context effect triggered more [ʃ] identifications in high-F0 and/or more [s] identifications in low-F0 contexts. The effect was larger for sibilants that were less clearly identifiable as either /ʃ/ or /s/. The effect represents strong supporting evidence that listeners in fact perceive the segmental intonation of fricatives and integrate its aperiodic pitch with the F0-based pitch when perceiving utterance intonation. Thus, the term "segmental intonation" is perceptually appropriate. Furthermore, the results are discussed with respect to reactiontime measurements and an additional effect of the quality of the adjacent vowel phoneme on sibilant identification.

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The Relationship between the Perception and Production of Coarticulation during a Sound Change in Progress

Cited by 60 publications

References 47 publications

Whence the fuzziness? Morphological effects in interacting sound changes in Southern British English

Whence the fuzziness? Morphological effects in interacting sound changes in Southern British English

Sound change in an urban setting: Category instability of the palatal fricative in Berlin

On the perception of “segmental intonation”: F0 context effects on sibilant identification in German

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