The reminiscence bump in autobiographical memory and for public events: A comparison across different cueing methods

Koppel, Jonathan; Berntsen, Dorthe

doi:10.1080/09658211.2014.985233

Cited by 45 publications

(48 citation statements)

References 44 publications

(122 reference statements)

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“…This is on account of the prominent role, as noted in the Introduction, played by event importance in recall for public events (Howes & Katz, 1992;Koppel & Berntsen, 2014b;Schuman & Corning, 2012). Therefore, rather than comparing the temporal distributions in the norm data to the temporal distributions in the recall data, our analyses on the recall distributions focus on the relation between the five-year age interval participants assigned in their response to the norm question and the five-year age interval at which the event they cited in the recall question occurred.…”

Section: Cited In the Recall Questionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…This has been particularly true in studies employing the open-ended recall questions described above, as opposed to knowledge tests. Furthermore, in the exceptions where researchers have collapsed across all events in analyzing the results from open-ended recall for public events, evidence for the bump has been mixed (Holmes & Conway, 1999;Howes & Katz, 1992;Koppel & Berntsen, 2014b). Specifically, there has been some indication that, when treated this way, the temporal distribution of recalled events is driven more by the prominence of individual events than by age effects (Howes & Katz, 1992;Koppel & Berntsen, 2014b).…”

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confidence: 99%

“…Nonetheless, following from our earlier demonstration of the youth bias on public events taken generally (Koppel & Berntsen, 2014a), we expected that, in the cultural expectations data, the youth bias would hold for each of the specific event categories we assessed here. This would confirm and extend the tendency to favor adolescence and early adulthood in estimating the expected timing of important public events.As for the possible relation between these cultural expectations and the timing of the public event cited in the recall question, we expected that this would depend on how much room there was in each individual event category for the youth bias to influence recall.That is, given the role of event importance in recall for public events (e.g., Howes & Katz, 1992;Koppel & Berntsen, 2014b;Schuman & Corning, 2012), we expected that, in categories of public events containing one or more particularly salient historical events, such events would drive recall to a large degree. This might obscure any mnemonic effect of the youth bias in such categories.…”

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confidence: 99%

“…Furthermore, in the exceptions where researchers have collapsed across all events in analyzing the results from open-ended recall for public events, evidence for the bump has been mixed (Holmes & Conway, 1999;Howes & Katz, 1992;Koppel & Berntsen, 2014b). Specifically, there has been some indication that, when treated this way, the temporal distribution of recalled events is driven more by the prominence of individual events than by age effects (Howes & Katz, 1992;Koppel & Berntsen, 2014b). This role of event importance is also seen in the more conventional studies comparing citations of individual important public events across cohorts; here as well, in addition to cohort effects, there are often one or two events which are cited particularly frequently in the sample as a whole (Schuman & Rodgers, 2004 Scott, 1989;Scott & Zac, 1993; see also Schuman & Corning, 2012, for a discussion of the role of event importance in recall for public events).…”

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confidence: 99%

“…A definitive version was subsequently published in Journal of Applied Research in Memory and Cognition, 4, 90-92. DOI: 10.1016/j.jarmac.2015.01.002 6 (e.g., one or two events or changes; Jennings & Zhang, 2005;Koppel & Berntsen, 2014b;Schuman & Corning, 2014;Schuman & Rodgers, 2004;Schuman & Scott, 1989;Scott & Zac, 1993), or by testing their knowledge of specific public events or individuals (Janssen et al, 2008;Rubin, Rahhal, & Poon, 1998;Schuman, Belli, & Bischoping, 1997;Schuman & Corning, 2000).The most salient difference between these methods is that freely recalling public events or citing a given number of important public events or changes, which representdifferent measures of open-ended recall, appear to tap into the accessibility of public events in recall. Conversely, knowledge tests appear to tap into availability in recall (for discussion of the distinction between availability and accessibility, see Tulving & Pearlstone, 1966).…”

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The breadth and mnemonic consequences of the youth bias

Koppel

Berntsen

2016

Quarterly Journal of Experimental Psychology

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We have recently demonstrated the existence of the youth bias, referring to a tendency to favor adolescence and early adulthood over other lifetime periods when making inferences about the timing of important public events across the lifespan of a typical individual within one's culture. The youth bias integrates two discrete lines of research, that is, the literature on the privileged status of adolescence and early adulthood in human memory and cognition, and the literature on cognitive biases. Here we first examined whether the youth bias holds for specific categories of public events (i.e., deaths of public figures, US Presidential elections, and sporting events). We then investigated the possible role of the youth bias in structuring recall for public events, by probing, within-subjects, for the relation between: (1) These expectations of the timing, in a typical person's life, of the most important exemplar from each public event category, and (2) the age at which the cited event occurred on a recall question asking participants to cite the most important exemplar, in their own lifetime, from each category. We found a youth bias for each category. Additionally, responses to the youth bias question were correlated with the age at which the recalled event occurred, but only where particularly salient historical events did not play a central role in driving recall (i.e., for sporting events). We conclude that the youth bias holds across different types of public events and provides a default structure for organizing recall of public events.Notice: This is the author's version of a work that was accepted for publication in Journal of Applied Research in Memory and Cognition. A definitive version was subsequently published in Journal of Applied Research in Memory and Cognition, 4, 90-92. DOI: 10.1016/j.jarmac.2015.01.002 3 The Breadth and Mnemonic Consequences of the Youth Bias The Youth BiasWe have recently demonstrated that individuals demonstrate a youth bias, referring to a tendency to favor the period of adolescence and early adulthood over other lifetime periods when making inferences about the timing of important public events across the lifespan of a typical individual within one's culture (Koppel & Berntsen, 2014a). The youth bias integrates two discrete lines of research. The first research tradition incorporated into the youth bias concerns work demonstrating that the period of adolescence and early adulthood (e.g., ages 11 to 30) has a privileged status in human memory and cognition. This is reflected, for instance, in the reminiscence bump, wherein middle-aged and older adults demonstrate preferential memory for events of this period. The bump is found in both autobiographical memory (Rubin, Wetzler, & Nebes, 1986; for a review, including a demonstration of the shifting location of the bump according to the method used to cue memories, see Koppel & Berntsen, 2015) and memory for public events (e.g., Schuman & Scott, 1989; for a review, including a delineation of exceptions to the effect,...

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Section: Cited In the Recall Questionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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The breadth and mnemonic consequences of the youth bias

Koppel

Berntsen

2016

Quarterly Journal of Experimental Psychology

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Are older adults in Hong Kong “living in history” in their autobiographical memories?

Tse

Chan

2019

Applied Cognitive Psychology

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SummaryTransition theory posits that autobiographical memories are organized by major life transitions, which is often supported by the Living‐in‐History effect that occurs when people frequently refer to public events to support their date estimates of personal events. In the present study, 52 Chinese older adults in Hong Kong recalled autobiographical events using cue‐word method and justified the date estimates of the events. They also reported the most important events and assessed their impacts. Results showed that participants referred to public events only when estimating the date of 5.5% of word‐cued events and reported a few public events as personally important, suggesting an absence of the Living‐in‐History effect. Nonetheless, word‐cued events and important events accumulated around major life transitions to form a transition bump; the material change that important events brought about predicted whether the important events were used to organize autobiographical memory, thereby providing new evidence for the transition theory.

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Collective memory and autobiographical memory: Perspectives from the humanities and cognitive sciences

Heux

Rathbone

Gensburger

et al. 2022

WIRES Cognitive Science

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The current overview provides an interdisciplinary synthesis of autobiographical and collective memory studies, focusing on history and cognitive psychology, to help other scholars bridge the disciplinary gap. We describe the various interpretative frameworks used to build theoretical knowledge on how autobiographical memory and collective memory are intertwined. We expose how research exploring self, social and directive functions of autobiographical memory echoes three main functions that can be identified for collective memory, that is, social identity, social schemata, and means for actions, or a political decision tool of research in these fields. In doing so, we hope to stimulate opportunities for more interdisciplinary research.

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The reminiscence bump in autobiographical memory and for public events: A comparison across different cueing methods

Cited by 45 publications

References 44 publications

The breadth and mnemonic consequences of the youth bias

The breadth and mnemonic consequences of the youth bias

Are older adults in Hong Kong “living in history” in their autobiographical memories?

Collective memory and autobiographical memory: Perspectives from the humanities and cognitive sciences

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