2019
DOI: 10.1080/15387216.2019.1691928
|View full text |Cite
|
Sign up to set email alerts
|

The rise of new populist political parties in Czech parliamentary elections between 2010 and 2017: the geography of party replacement

Help me understand this report

Search citation statements

Order By: Relevance

Paper Sections

Select...
1
1
1
1

Citation Types

1
11
0
10

Year Published

2020
2020
2023
2023

Publication Types

Select...
7
1

Relationship

1
7

Authors

Journals

citations
Cited by 30 publications
(22 citation statements)
references
References 49 publications
1
11
0
10
Order By: Relevance
“…This is the most common use of such analysis (e.g. Maškarinec, 2019;Shin & Agnew, 2007). However, this tool should be used to analyse not only the electoral results, but also such derived variables as the differences in share of the votes, sociodemographic variables and, most importantly, it should be used to analyse further the residual values saved from the OLS (Bernard et al, 2014), the probit model (Medeiros et al, 2019), the HLM and the GWR model.…”
Section: Analysing Electoral Results In Political Sciencementioning
confidence: 99%
See 2 more Smart Citations
“…This is the most common use of such analysis (e.g. Maškarinec, 2019;Shin & Agnew, 2007). However, this tool should be used to analyse not only the electoral results, but also such derived variables as the differences in share of the votes, sociodemographic variables and, most importantly, it should be used to analyse further the residual values saved from the OLS (Bernard et al, 2014), the probit model (Medeiros et al, 2019), the HLM and the GWR model.…”
Section: Analysing Electoral Results In Political Sciencementioning
confidence: 99%
“…However, since the elections of 2010, the party system has changed dramatically. New populist parties have entered the parliament: Public Affairs (VV) and the 'newer' parties in the elections of 2013; Action of Dissatisfied Voters (ANO 2011) and Dawn of New Democracy (Úsvit), later transformed into Freedom and Direct Democracy (SPD) (Haughton & Deegan-Krause, 2015;Maškarinec, 2017;Maškarinec, 2019). While ANO 2011 and VV could be labelled as 'populists of the political centre' (Havlík & Voda, 2018), the Úsvit party that was re-established under its founder Tomio Okamura as Freedom and Direct Democracy is a typical right-wing populist movement.…”
Section: The Decline Of the Traditional Left In Europe: The Czech Conmentioning
confidence: 99%
See 1 more Smart Citation
“…In contrast to the four traditional parties, analysis of voting patterns of new parties which entered the Czech parliament after the 2010 election showed that, with the exception of the Tradition, Responsibility, Prosperity 09 party (TOP09), which succeeded in the 2010 election and whose electorate considerably overlaps with those of traditional rightist parties, spatial support for other new parties was relatively weakly rooted in geography as its constituency was relatively indistinct (in the case of the Public Affairs party (VV), the Dawn of Direct Democracy (Dawn) or the Freedom and Direct Democracy (SPD)), or significantly changed between elections (the ANO2011) (cf. Havlík and Voda, 2016: 129–135; Maškarinec, 2019: 528–534).…”
Section: Party Politics and Political Geography In The Czech Republicmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Source: Czech Statistical Office, Statistical Office of the Slovak Republic (2019), author's research.Labem Region (Most 0.144, Louny 0.156, Chomutov 0.164 and Teplice 0.171), the Plzeň Region (Tachov 0.161) and the Karlovy Vary Region (Sokolov 0.190).This group of districts is completed by couple from Moravia -Bruntál (0.151, Moravian-Silesian Region) and Znojmo (0.168, South Moravian Region). This group of districts is characterized by a relatively high unemployment rate and relatively low wages, with support for left-wing, far-left or far-right parties(Havlík and Voda 2016;Maškarinec 2017Maškarinec , 2019. In Slovakia, the districts with the lowest values are located in the northwestern corner of the country in the Žilina Region (Kysucké Nové Mesto, Čadca and Bytča) typical of long-term support for the values of egalitarianism, etatism and nationalism(Plešivčák 2011;Madleňák 2012).…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%