The Role of Born-Again Identity on the Political Attitudes of Whites, Blacks, Latinos, and Asian Americans

Wong, Janelle

doi:10.1017/s1755048315000759

Cited by 21 publications

(22 citation statements)

References 38 publications

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“…I also want to emphasize that the patterns I describe above do not obtain only with the 2016 CMPS. I found similar patterns using a telephone survey of registered voters (the 2008 Collaborative Multiracial Political Survey) and with a 2012 dataset that includes White, Black, Latino, and Asian American respondents (but that was focused on Asian Americans in particular, hence the title the 2012 National Asian American Survey ) (Wong 2015; see also Wong 2014). Analysis of specific Asian American and Latinx national origin groups results in very similar findings as well (Wong, in press).…”

Section: Differences Between White and Non-white Evangelicals Persistmentioning

confidence: 60%

The Evangelical Vote and Race in the 2016 Presidential Election

Wong

2018

J. Race Ethnicity Politics

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This paper highlights differences in evangelical identity and its association with political attitudes across racial groups. It finds that White evangelicals hold more conservative views than Black, Latinx, and Asian American evangelicals, despite similar levels of religiosity. White evangelicals' more conservative political attitudes are driven by a sense of in-group embattlement, or the idea that their group faces as much or more discrimination as persecuted outgroups. This sense of in-group embattlement is distinct from the effects of economic resources, economic anxiety, partisanship, region (South) and generalized conservative outlook. The paper draws on survey data collected in the immediate aftermath of the 2016 election.

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Section: Differences Between White and Non-white Evangelicals Persistmentioning

confidence: 60%

The Evangelical Vote and Race in the 2016 Presidential Election

Wong

2018

J. Race Ethnicity Politics

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“…Today, 14 percent of Protestants are neither white nor black, including 9 percent who are Latino. How best to categorize these other racial and ethnic groups and thus represent their views deserves sustained attention (Wong ). In studies that employ the RELTRAD approach, should Latinos and other racial and ethnic minorities continue to be categorized into one of the three existing Protestant traditions, or might it become necessary to create new categories?…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Empirically, there is good reason for examining white evangelicals separately from nonwhite evangelicals, especially when analyzing the links between religion and politics. As Wong's recent research makes clear, “the role of born‐again religious identity varies across racial groups,” operating differently among blacks, Latinos, and Asian Americans than among whites (Wong :669). Nevertheless, critics claim that limiting social and political analyses to white evangelical Protestants paints a distorted picture of the evangelical movement.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Perhaps most importantly, the self‐identification approach has proven, over a long period of time, to be a powerful tool for understanding political outcomes and attitudes about social issues. Simply put, those who self‐identify as evangelical Christians are very distinctive vis‐à‐vis those who do not (Lewis and Huyser de Bernardo ; Wong ).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Comparing the RELTRAD and Born‐Again/Evangelical Self‐Identification Approaches to Measuring American Protestantism

Smith

Sciupac

Gecewicz

et al. 2018

Scientific Study of Religion

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The question of how Protestantism (including evangelicalism) is measured in social science research is of keen importance to those seeking to understand religion in American life. In this article, we compare and contrast two of the leading techniques for classifying Protestants. One of these approaches (the RELTRAD approach) categorizes respondents as evangelical Protestants, mainline Protestants, or black Protestants mainly on the basis of their denominational affiliation. By contrast, the self‐identification method utilizes information about a respondent's race and a yes/no question that asks respondents directly whether they consider themselves born‐again or evangelical Christians to create similar categories. We show that there is considerable overlap, though not perfect correlation, between the two approaches. Both methods produce similar estimates of the size of Protestant subgroups, and they paint similar religious and demographic portraits of the evangelical, mainline, and black Protestant communities. As a result, we argue that the self‐identification method can be an effective proxy for RELTRAD when RELTRAD is unavailable as a measurement option.

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“…We use the 2008 CMPS dataset with 4,563 valid respondents, all registered voters from the 2008 Presidential election. The benefit of the CMPS, as Wong (2015) and others note, is its robust sampling of Black Americans, Asian Americans, and Latinos, in addition to Whites 8 . This makes it possible to compare patterns of self-reported behavior across all racial groups 9 .…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Democracy's Deficit: The Role of Institutional Contact in Shaping non-White Political Behavior

García-Castañon

Huckle

Walker

et al. 2019

J. Race Ethnicity Politics

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This paper examines the effect of institutional contact on political participation among non-White communities. While both formal and informal institutions help shape community citizen participation, their effects vary on the historical inclusion (or exclusion) of certain racial groups. Formal institutions, like political parties, have historically excluded or neglected non-White and immigrant voters. We argue that for the excluded or neglected, non-traditional political institutions, like community based organizations, serve as supplements to facilitate political incorporation and engagement. These informal institutions help develop skills and resources among their constituents, and offer routine opportunities to participate. We use the 2008 Collaborative Multi-racial Post-Election Survey (CMPS) to test the differential effects of self-reported voter mobilization through nonpartisan and partisan institutional contact to explain variations among racial groups by the intensity of contact, occurrence of co-ethnic outreach, and type of institutional mobilization. We find that while contact by a partisan/political institution, like a political party or campaign, has an overall positive effect on political participation for all voters, contact by a nonpartisan/civic or community group is substantively more important for Latino and Asian American voter mobilization. Our analysis therefore offers cohesive evidence of how voters interact with and are affected by mobilization efforts that attends to differences across racial and ethnic boundaries, and variations in institutional contact.

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The Role of Born-Again Identity on the Political Attitudes of Whites, Blacks, Latinos, and Asian Americans

Cited by 21 publications

References 38 publications

The Evangelical Vote and Race in the 2016 Presidential Election

The Evangelical Vote and Race in the 2016 Presidential Election

Comparing the RELTRAD and Born‐Again/Evangelical Self‐Identification Approaches to Measuring American Protestantism

Democracy's Deficit: The Role of Institutional Contact in Shaping non-White Political Behavior

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