The role of onsets in primary and secondary stress patterns

McGarrity, Laura W.

doi:10.1075/lald.56.15mcg

Cited by 4 publications

(11 citation statements)

References 20 publications

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“…However, where previous work has simply stipulated that secondary stress is quantity-insensitive (Parker 1998a, McGarrity 2003), in §4.7 I show that this fact can be derived from other assumptions about coda weight in Huariapano.…”

Section: A Unified Account Of Huariapanomentioning

confidence: 80%

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The uniqueness of metrical structure: rhythmic phonotactics in Huariapano

Bennett

2013

Phonology

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This article argues that, contrary to some recent proposals, a given phonological form may be organised into at most one array of metrical structure at a time. The bulk of the paper is dedicated to a case study of Huariapano, a language that has been claimed to motivate multiple, coexisting but autonomous, layers of metrical parsing. I show that this conclusion is premature : both stress and segmental patterning in Huariapano can be modelled within a single system of constituency, once context-dependent variation in foot form is taken into account. The reanalysis developed here also draws on the idea that foot-initial syllables may be targeted by augmentation or fortition processes even when unstressed. Independent evidence for foot-initial strengthening is furnished by segmental phonotactics in a range of other languages.

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Section: A Unified Account Of Huariapanomentioning

confidence: 80%

“…Assuming positionally restricted coda weight thus obviates the need for specialised constraints that enforce quantity-sensitivity for primary stress, but not secondary stress (cf. Parker 1998a, McGarrity 2003, Pruitt 2012).…”

Section: A Unified Account Of Huariapanomentioning

confidence: 99%

The uniqueness of metrical structure: rhythmic phonotactics in Huariapano

Bennett

2013

Phonology

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“…In many languages with iterative stress, the direction of primary-stress alignment coincides with the origin of foot iteration, and the primary stress occupies a foot type that looks the same as non-primary stress feet (Hammond 1985a, b, Hayes 1995). But asymmetries between primary and non-primary stresses are also robustly attested, as found, for example, in the work of Odden (1979), Bailey (1995), Hayes (1995), Hurch (1996), McGarrity (2003) and Goedemans & van der Hulst (2014).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 66%

Parallelism within serialism: primary stress is different

Pruitt

2022

Phonology

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Primary word stress is typologically diverse. In some languages, the metrical structure of a word predicts the location of primary stress, while in other languages it does not. This diversity is considered through the lens of Harmonic Serialism (HS), a serial constraint-based theory, and it is argued that HS must incorporate a limited degree of parallelism to capture the typology. Namely, primary-stress assignment is simultaneous with foot-building and also mobile, being (re)assessed throughout a metrical derivation. But incorporating this parallelism into HS is both possible and desirable: the positive typological consequences of HS are preserved, and the implied formal divergence between the prosodic word and the foot with respect to parallelism echoes a fundamental distinction that is visible in a wide range of extant theoretical and empirical findings.

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“…Within a final three-syllable window, stress is assigned to the rightmost instance of the heaviest grade available in the weight scale KVV > GVV > VV > KV > GV (where K is voiceless and G is voiced). Other claimed cases of onset-sonority sensitivity in stress include Arabela, English, Ngalakgan, Tümpisa Shoshone, Karo, and Alyawarra (Gordon 2005, Baker 2008, Topintzi 2010, McGarrity 2014, Ryan 2014). Some of these cases are controversial, in part because the empirical validity of descriptions of stress systems can be difficult to diagnose (cf.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Onset Prominence in Wubuy Reduplication

Ryan

Heath

2022

AMP

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Wubuy (also known as Nunggubuyu; Australia) exhibits a regular and productive pattern of partial reduplication by which the reduplicant is one syllable if its base begins with an obstruent and two if it begins with a sonorant. We compare two approaches to the synchronic analysis of this pattern based on phonotactics and weight, respectively, ultimately arguing for the latter. As we show, an analysis in terms of general markedness constraints (e.g. invoking the unmarkedness of obstruent onsets or regulating sonority combinations across syllables) is not viable. A weight-based account, by contrast, recognizes that obstruent onsets pattern as heavier than sonorant onsets in a number of languages and weight-sensitive systems. Thus, a typologically principled analysis is available in which the reduplicant must be at least as heavy as an obstruent-initial syllable.

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The role of onsets in primary and secondary stress patterns

Cited by 4 publications

References 20 publications

The uniqueness of metrical structure: rhythmic phonotactics in Huariapano

The uniqueness of metrical structure: rhythmic phonotactics in Huariapano

Parallelism within serialism: primary stress is different

Onset Prominence in Wubuy Reduplication

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