Abstract:This article presents econometric evidence of integration in rural and urban wages in Russia's Northwest in the late tsarist era. Using the Autoregressive Distributed Lag (ARDL) approach to co-integration and error correction modelling, we show the flexibility of the rural wage in response to the lagged rural/urban wage ratio. Applying the model developed by Boyer and Hatton (1994) and Hatton and Williamson (1991a, 1991b, we show the similarity of the wage gap in northwest Russia in the late tsarist era to tha… Show more
“…A possible reason for why the abolition of serfdom had differential effects across provinces on industrial output is that the reform affected industry mostly through labor market spillovers, which could only occur in places where peasants were tied to large landlords' farms. The large magnitude of the effect on industrial development that we find is in line with findings on the substantial level of labor migration within provinces from villages into the provincial industrial sector in the late nineteenth century in spite of the constraints erected by the peasant commune (Borodkin, Granville, and Leonard 2008;Burds 1998;Crisp 1976;and Nafziger 2010). Figure 8 presents the estimates of the dynamics of the effect of the abolition of serfdom on industrial output (similarly to Figure 7); it confirms the absence of pre-trends, as the estimates for the years before the emancipation are small and statistically insignificant.…”
“…A possible reason for why the abolition of serfdom had differential effects across provinces on industrial output is that the reform affected industry mostly through labor market spillovers, which could only occur in places where peasants were tied to large landlords' farms. The large magnitude of the effect on industrial development that we find is in line with findings on the substantial level of labor migration within provinces from villages into the provincial industrial sector in the late nineteenth century in spite of the constraints erected by the peasant commune (Borodkin, Granville, and Leonard 2008;Burds 1998;Crisp 1976;and Nafziger 2010). Figure 8 presents the estimates of the dynamics of the effect of the abolition of serfdom on industrial output (similarly to Figure 7); it confirms the absence of pre-trends, as the estimates for the years before the emancipation are small and statistically insignificant.…”
“…Assuming that industry was not (negatively) affected by the abolition of serfdom in provinces where labor was free to begin with, the difference-in-differences estimates yield that, in an average province where 45% of rural population was comprised of serfs, the abolition of serfdom led to an additional increase in industrial output of 39% throughout the second half of the nineteenth century. This result is consistent with findings on the substantial level of labor migration within provinces from villages into the provincial industrial sector in the late nineteenth century in spite of the constraints erected by the peasant commune (Borodkin et al 2008;Nafziger 2010). When projecting these results on the national level, the authors find that the abolition of serfdom led to an increase of Russia's GDP of 17.7%.…”
Section: The Consequences Of Emancipation On Agricultural Productivitsupporting
Following a brief historiography of cliometric research on the Eastern half of Europe and a summary of six pioneering publications, this chapter discusses the main answers given to the three defining research questions in this field. First, what were the long-term factors impeding economic development in the region? Second, how backward was Eastern Europe by the time the command economy was introduced? Third, how has research assessed the state socialist period?
“…Crisp (1978, p. 323-325) and Gregory (1994) argue that communal restrictions on rural-urban migration were not a binding constraint for industrialization. Borodkin et al (2008) use time-series evidence for the Saint Petersburg region and Nafziger (2010) analyses a household-level data set of villages in the Moscow province to reach similar conclusions.…”
This article studies the structural transformation of Russia in 1885-1940 from an agrarian to an industrial economy through the lens of a two-sector neoclassical growth model. We construct a data set that covers Tsarist Russia during 1885-1913 and Soviet Union during 1928-1940. We develop a methodology that allows us to identify the types of frictions and economic mechanisms that had the largest quantitative impact on Russian economic development. We find that entry barriers and monopoly power in the nonagricultural sector were the most important reason for Tsarist Russia's failure to industrialize before World War I. Soviet industrial transformation after 1928 was achieved primarily by reducing such frictions, albeit coinciding with a significantly lower performance of productivity in both agricultural and nonagricultural sectors. We find no evidence that Tsarist agricultural institutions were a significant barrier to labour reallocation to manufacturing, or that "Big Push" mechanisms were a major driver of Soviet growth.
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