The self and others in the experience of pride

Abstract

Pride is seen as both a self-conscious emotion as well as a social emotion. These categories are not mutually exclusive, but have brought forth different ideas about pride as either revolving around the self or as revolving around one's relationship with others. Current measures of pride do not include intrapersonal elements of pride experiences. Social comparisons, which often cause experiences of pride, contain three elements: the self, the relationship between the self and another person, and the other person. From the literature on pride, we distilled three related elements; perceptions and feelings of self-inflation, other-distancing, and other-devaluation. In four studies, we explored whether these elements were present in pride experiences. We did so at an implicit (Experiment 1; N = 218) and explicit level (Experiment 2; N = 125), in an academic setting with in vivo (Experiment 3; N = 203) and imagined pride experiences (Experiment 4; N = 126). The data consistently revealed that the experience of pride is characterised by self-inflation, not by other-distancing nor other-devaluation.

The event-specific benefits of writing about a difficult life experience

“…Writers feel stronger, more determined, and prouder of themselves, not necessarily more ready or excited to act. This helps writers perform tasks in an ordered manner and persist through difficulties (Szagun & Schauble, 1997;Van Osch, Zeelenberg, & Breugelmans, 2018). The finding is consistent with the self-regulation hypothesis concerning the mechanism through which writing produces its benefits (King, 2002;.…”

The Roles of Social Value Orientation and Anticipated Emotions in Intergroup Resource Allocation Decisions

“…The terms pleased and proud were selected to index pride; the terms regretful and disappointed were selected to index regret; and the terms guilty and ashamed were selected to index guilt. This was based on the shared positive valence of the terms pleased and proud (Tracy and Robins, 2007;Van Osch et al, 2018); the shared counterfactual character of regretful and disappointed (where the person experiencing the emotion can imagine a better state of affairs if he or she had acted or chosen differently; Zeelenberg and Pieters, 2007); and the shared self-blame character of the terms guilty and ashamed (where the person appears to feel that he or she is responsible for bringing about an unwanted state of affairs; Niedenthal et al, 1994;Haidt, 2003). The measure consists of 12 scenarios that represented equal [12:12 and 21:21 (Chinese), 9:9 and 24:24 (Indian), 15:15 and 18:18 (Malay)] and unequal [16:8 and 28:14 (Chinese), 12:6 and 32:16 (Indian), 20:10 and 24:12 (Malay)] allocations toward others who belonged to one of the three ethnic groups (Chinese, Indian, and Malay).…”

Preferences for Written and Spoken Expressions of Thanks Among American Professionals

“…These social costs may include unwanted social comparisons among colleagues, perceptions that there are threats to team unity and team-level feelings of pride, perceptions that the ability to build friendships with new colleagues is compromised, and perceptions that the recognition is undeserved or unfair. Often these social costs rise to a level in which private recognition is preferred to public recognition (Exline & Lobel, 1999; Exline et al, 2004; Garcia et al, 2019; Grandey et al, 2018; Matta & van Dyne, 2020; van Osch et al, 2018). Some studies have suggested women are more sensitive to these social costs than are men (Exline & Lobel, 1999).…”