The SNP, Scottish Labour and Glasgow 2014 – Contrasting Political Narratives of the 2014 Commonwealth Games

Abstract

This article critically examines the predominant narratives which emanate from political discourse in relation to two significant events in Scotland in 2014 – the Glasgow Commonwealth Games and the independence referendum. This article uses an analysis of the political discourse from the two largest parties in the Scottish Parliament at the time of the Games, the pro-independence Scottish National Party (SNP) and the pro-union Scottish Labour Party, to highlight the contrasting discursive strategies of each party within their manifestos, policy documents, press releases and parliamentary speeches. This analysis demonstrates that each party portrayed nuanced positions on the Games, with the SNP illustrating the constraining nature of the constitutional status quo in relation to the potential economic and social benefits of the Games, and Labour using the event to illustrate the effectiveness of their stewardship of the Glasgow City Council despite the council funding cuts imposed by the SNP-led Scottish Government. Despite acknowledging the marginal status of the Games on the eventual outcome of the referendum, both parties suggested that the success of the event could lead to a ‘feel-good factor’ which could boost the ‘Yes’ vote. Such questionable claims are evaluated in light of past academic studies which question the validity of legacy outcomes from sporting events such as the Games (e.g. Giulianotti, 2016 ; Horne, 2007 ; Horne and Manzenreiter, 2006 ; Martin and Barth, 2013 ; Stewart and Rayner, 2016 ; Zimbalist, 2015 ).

Glasgow 2014, the media and Scottish politics: The (post)imperial symbolism of the Commonwealth Games

“…In particular, the potential for political exploitation of the Games' 'feel-good factor' by pro-independence and pro-union campaigners, keen to advance their visions for the future constitutional status of Scotland, has been explored by various commentators. Such arguments are despite broad academic agreement on the questionable and/or minor impact of any such politicisation on the eventual referendum outcome (Jarvie, 2017;Mole, 2014;Whigham, 2017). Harris and Skillen's (2016) work has also considered the potential politicisation of the 2014 Games within media coverage of the event, critically exploring the media's portrayal of the relationship between the Games and the referendum.…”

“…This inability to sufficiently redress the historical power imbalances within the Commonwealth has therefore led some analysts to question the success of the Games as part of the decolonialisation process, with Dheenshaw (1994: 2) Games and Scottish independence has been a topic of some academic reflection. In particular, the potential for political exploitation of the Games 'feel-good factor' by proindependence and pro-union campaigners keen to advance their visions for the future constitutional status of Scotland has been explored by various commentators, despite broad academic agreement on the questionable and/or minor impact of any such politicisation on the eventual referendum outcome (Jarvie, 2017;Mole, 2014;Whigham, 2017).…”

‘Team GB’ or ‘Team Scotland’? Media representations of ‘Britishness’ and ‘Scottishness’ at London 2012 and Glasgow 2014

“…Such assessments stand in contrast to debates that polarise analyses along an either/or distinction (Nairn, 2013). While Barnes (2012b) argued that 'it isn't just Unionists who can claim to be both Scottish and British' (pg.2) and whereas Freedland (2012) noted that 'Alex Salmond cannot easily claim the union has lost its emotional pull, not after he's seen the ease with which so many Britons, including Scots, draped themselves in its once terminally unfashionable colours' (pg.32), it is clear that such accounts point more towards the Janus-faced symbolism that embodied discussions on Britain, and, which, for the most part, served to characterise London 2012 (Whigham, 2017b).…”

“…Indeed, the potential impact of a Gamesrelated 'feel-good factor' boosting the pro-independence vote was neutered by the political manoeuvring of concerned pro-union political actors (Whigham, 2017a(Whigham, , 2017bHarris and Skillen, 2016;Jarvie, 2017), thus precluding the opportunity to derive political capital from a successful Games. Accordingly, while both pro-independence and pro-union parties predominantly emphasised an apolitical approach to the Games, political comments related to the Games from SNP politicians such as Alex Salmond and Nicola Sturgeon drew opprobrium from politicians from pro-union campaigners (Boffey, 2014;Johnson, 2014;Wade, 2014): Harris and Skillen's (2016) reflection on the interconnection between sport and the referendum places similar emphasis on the nature of these political interventions regarding the Olympics, contending that '[w]ith the referendum looming ever closer, it was clear that competing claims for these medal winners was going to become an everpresent issue' (pg.84).…”

“…The stigmatisation that Parson's (2012b) 'fried Mars bar' remarks afforded to Salmond, served to 'create a distance between "them" and "us"' (Tyler, 2008: 23) McConnell's intervention may not have been wholly altruistic in nature and instead may have been a calculated pre-emption of potential political framing of the Games by proindependence campaigners (Whigham, 2017a(Whigham, , 2017b, his intervention was in the end mostly successful in depoliticising the event. Indeed, the potential impact of a Gamesrelated 'feel-good factor' boosting the pro-independence vote was neutered by the political manoeuvring of concerned pro-union political actors (Whigham, 2017a(Whigham, , 2017bHarris and Skillen, 2016;Jarvie, 2017), thus precluding the opportunity to derive political capital from a successful Games.…”