The social world of karate-do

James, Alan; Jones, Richard S.

doi:10.1080/02614368200390271

Cited by 17 publications

(7 citation statements)

References 11 publications

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“…This is something that is quite unique to chess. Certainly you would not need the same credentials to join and become involved with other leisure organizations such as shuffleboard (Snyder 1994) or karate (James and Jones 1982). This unique feature of chess clubs (that there is no true beginner section), led many of the organizers I talked with to mention that this causes problems for the recruitment of new players.…”

Section: Is Chess a Greedy Institution?mentioning

confidence: 99%

Incorporating Ritual into Greedy Institution Theory: The Case of Devotion in Amateur Chess

Puddephatt

2008

The Sociological Quarterly

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Based on ethnographic data, this article explains devotion to chess in terms of the structural mechanisms of its social organization. I use Lewis Coser's theory of greedy institutions as a way to analyze how these mechanisms influence player decisions and foster devotion to the game. Inspired largely by Randall Collins, I expand Coser's original framework by analyzing how the ritual of competitive play is structured in ways to heighten the intrinsic rewards of the game and further encourage commitment among the players. As such, devotion in chess is explained as a product of the following organizational elements: (1) isolation from competing social spheres; (2) encapsulation within a symbolic status structure; (3) a collective feeling of elite status; (4) trials of worthiness; and (5) prestructured ritual. After considering how these mechanisms operate in the world of chess, I discuss the potential of this expanded model of greedy institutions for future research across other social contexts.

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Section: Is Chess a Greedy Institution?mentioning

confidence: 99%

Incorporating Ritual into Greedy Institution Theory: The Case of Devotion in Amateur Chess

Puddephatt

2008

The Sociological Quarterly

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“…A strong need to coordinate without a temptation to defect is likely to result in a strong clarifying norm with little punishment for deviance. As an example, a martial arts dojo includes dozens of norms that define the rules of sparring, transitioning between exercises, and awarding more advanced belts to its members (James & Jones, 1982). These norms are clearly articulated with no tolerance for deviance (e.g., you must bow to your opponent before and after each sparring exercise), but friendly reminders are sufficient to correct individuals who forget the rules because there is no incentive to cheat.…”

Section: On the Relationship Between The Strength Of Social Norms Andmentioning

confidence: 98%

Limits of analogy: are religions metaphoric species, individuals, or organs?

Zeitlyn¹

2016

Religion, Brain & Behavior

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Studies of religious and other cultural groups tend to be particularistic or focus on one or more axes of variation. In this article we develop a more comprehensive approach to studying cultural diversity that emulates the study of biological diversity. We compare our cultural ecosystem approach with the axis approach, using the distinction between "tight" and "loose" cultures as an example. We show that while the axis approach is useful, the cultural ecosystem approach adds considerable value to the axis approach. We end by advocating the establishment of field sites for the study of religious and cultural diversity, comparable to biological field sites. ARTICLE HISTORYReligions and other cultural forms exist in almost endless variety, with old forms disappearing and new forms arising all the time. It is easy to use the word "evolution" to describe these changes, but past efforts to develop a comprehensive theory of cultural evolution did not become widely accepted and in retrospect can be seen to suffer from misconceptions that do not follow from evolutionary theory (such as cultural evolution as a linear progression from "savagery" to "civilization"; see Carniero, 2003 for a review). More recent research on human cultural evolution promises to succeed where past efforts have failed and enable a more rigorous comparison between religious diversity, cultural diversity, and biological diversity. A useful overview based on a recent conference is provided by Richerson and Christiensen (2013) in addition to other references cited below.Studies of religious and cultural diversity that are not based on evolution tend to be particularistic, reflecting detailed scholarship on single systems but lacking a common methodology or broader theoretical framework. When attempts at integration are made, they often take the form of identifying axes of variation, such as between strict vs. lax churches (Iannacconeeven gradients in the incidence of diseases and parasites (Fincher & Thornhill, 2012). Statistical methods such as factor analysis are sometimes employed to identify multiple axes of variation (Hofstede, 1980). These attempts at integration are more synthetic than particularistic approaches but the choice of axes (other than by factor analysis) tends to be haphazard, isolated literatures grow around the study of each axis, and different axes are seldom systematically related to each other.In this article, we will first summarize the current status of cultural evolutionary theory and evolutionary religious studies, both of which have become centered on group-level functional organization. Second, we will outline the cultural ecosystem approach to the study of religious and cultural diversity, modeled on the study of biological diversity. Third, we will discuss the axis-of-variation approach (hereafter called the axis approach), focusing on the distinction between "tight" and "loose" cultures as an extended example. We have chosen the tight/loose axis as an exemplar because it has been used mostly to study variation in trad...

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“…For example, low-intensity forms of leisure include attending movies, reading, visiting museums, television viewing, and watching athletic events. The notion of social worlds has been used to understand collective responses to such leisure activities as art (Becker, 1982), surfing (Irwin, 1977), rock climbing (Donnelly, 1980), karate (James and Jones, 1982) and running (Nash, 1979). The notion of social worlds has been used to understand collective responses to such leisure activities as art (Becker, 1982), surfing (Irwin, 1977), rock climbing (Donnelly, 1980), karate (James and Jones, 1982) and running (Nash, 1979).…”

Section: The Social World Of Shuffleboard Participation By Senior Citmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Social World of Shuffleboard

Snyder¹

1986

Urban Life

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In this article the author examines a leisure social world among senior citizens.Specifically, the social world of shuffleboard incorporates participants from several regions of the country that share meanings, events, procedures, and forms of communication. Attention is focused on "shuffling" as an expressive leisure activity and the attendant contingencies that may enhance or detract from a commitment to and integration in the social world. Secondarily, aspects of the shuffleboard subculture are highlighted. An analysis of the shuffleboard social world, its subculture, and the career progression of "shufflers" provides a generic model of leisure that may be generalized to other spheres of activity.RECENT RESEARCH has focused on leisure as a phenomenon in its own right rather than as a mere complement to or compensation for work. Kelly (1981 ) notes that the meanings associated with leisure are often &dquo;relational,&dquo; that is, they center on primary social relationships. Presumably, this increased attention to the social context of leisure meanings reflects the fact that for many people leisure activities are no longer a residual or something left over; rather, they are a primary source of self-fulfillment and a &dquo;central life interest&dquo; (Dubin, 1978;Stebbins, 1982). Although a case can be made for viewing leisure as a problem, particularly for retirees if their identities remain fixed on a diminished occupational role, leisure for many older adults is a source of social integration. Yet research shows that older people manifest low levels of leisure activity. For example, in a study of leisure across the life span Gordon et al. (1976) report the youngest respondents (age 20-29) were

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The social world of karate-do

Cited by 17 publications

References 11 publications

Incorporating Ritual into Greedy Institution Theory: The Case of Devotion in Amateur Chess

Incorporating Ritual into Greedy Institution Theory: The Case of Devotion in Amateur Chess

Limits of analogy: are religions metaphoric species, individuals, or organs?

The Social World of Shuffleboard

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