The subjective cognitive and affective map of extreme right voters: using open-ended questions in exit polls

Swyngedouw, Marc

doi:10.1016/s0261-3794(00)00010-x

Cited by 108 publications

(41 citation statements)

References 12 publications

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“…The relation between general feelings of discontent (or political cynicism) on the one hand, and on the other hand support of a right-wing populist party has been observed elsewhere (e.g., Luther, 2003;Swyngedouw, 2001;. This study raises the question of causality.…”

Section: Conclusion and Discussionsupporting

confidence: 53%

“…Another popular explanation of support for anti-immigrant parties is the protest vote model (Mayer and Perrineau, 1992;Betz, 1994;Martin, 1996;Derks and Deschouwer, 1998;Mudde and Van Holsteyn, 2000;Swyngedouw, 2001). Various observers of anti-immigrant parties assume that their voters have reasons to vote for them that have more to do with deficiencies of mainstream parties than with the attractions of anti-immigrant parties per se.…”

Section: Explanations Of Lpf Supportmentioning

confidence: 99%

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How the LPF Fuelled Discontent: Empirical tests of explanations of LPF support

Brug

2003

Acta Polit

125

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In this article, three models to explain the LPF vote are tested; the socio-structural model, the protest vote model, and the policy voting model. Popular explanations of the success of the LPF in 2002 consist of mixtures of the socio-structural and the protest vote model. Votes for the LPF are described as protest votes, mainly from low-educated 'angry white men', who are sociologically expected to feel mostly attracted to the simple populist message of a charismatic politician. The results from this study show, however, that these explanations are not valid. LPF voters hardly fit the sociological profile proposed in this literature. Moreover, general feelings of discontent towards parties and politicians (political cynicism and lack of political efficacy) did not affect the LPF vote. Instead, the effect was the other way around: preferences for the LPF fuelled political cynicism, and reduced political efficacy. This study provides firm support for the policy voting model. In 2002, LPF voters evaluated the LPF on the basis of its policies, mainly its fierce position on refugees. So, votes for the LPF were based on the same kind of reasoning that voters for other parties make: voters vote for the party they agree with the most on those issues they consider important. In conclusion, implications of these findings are discussed for (1) theories of voters for right-wing populist parties in general, (2) explanations of LPF support in particular, and (3) the strategies employed to treat such parties (accommodation versus the cordon sanitair).

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Section: Conclusion and Discussionsupporting

confidence: 53%

Section: Explanations Of Lpf Supportmentioning

confidence: 99%

How the LPF Fuelled Discontent: Empirical tests of explanations of LPF support

Brug

2003

Acta Polit

125

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“…Another popular explanation of support for anti-immigrant parties is the protest vote model (Mayer & Perrineau 1992;Martin 1996;Mudde & Van Holsteyn 2000;Betz 1994;Derks & Deschouwer 1998;Swyngedouw 2001 (Thomassen 1995;Klingemann 1999;Dalton 1996), an anti-democratic party cannot realistically be expected to attract many voters.…”

Section: Explanations Of Anti-immigrant Party Supportmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…2 For our selection of parties to include in this study we took advantage of information emanating from an expert survey, which is reported by Lubbers (2001). 3 Most studies in the field of anti-immigrant party support aim to establish determinants of individual level support for such parties (e.g., Betz & Immerfall 1998;Van der Brug et al 2000;Swyngedouw 2001). Even though these studies have provided much valuable knowledge of the motivations that underlie decisions to vote for anti-immigrant parties, these studies do not explain the differences in electoral success of such parties in various electoral contexts.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Why Some Anti-Immigrant Parties Fail and Others Succeed

Brug

Fennema

Tillie

2005

Comparative Political Studies

377

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Over the past two decades, some anti-immigrant parties have managed to gain substantial electoral support in various European countries, most notably Austria (FPÖ) and Flanders (Vlaams Blok). However, in other countries the success of such parties has either been insignificant or did not last. We argue that the most popular models of support for antiimmigrant parties -the socio-structural model and the protest vote model -cannot explain the huge differences in support for these parties. Instead, we develop a model to explain differences in aggregate level support for these parties, which partially builds upon an explanation provided by Kitschelt (1995). This model is tested empirically for 13 European anti-immigrant parties in the period 1989-1999, altogether yielding 25 party * year combinations. We test the socio-structural model and our alternative model at the level of political parties. The socio-structural model explains 5% of the variance in success, whereas our model explains 76%. In the conclusions we discuss the implications of our findings.Explaining success of anti-immigrant parties 1

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“…Los votantes realizan un análisis de diferentes factores sociales y políticos y, en función de dicho análisis, argumentan la oportunidad o necesidad de votar a la nueva extrema derecha. En este sentido, tratar de hacer "aflorar" los ejes de su argumentación es central para comprender adecuadamente este fenómeno (Swyngedouw, 2001).…”

Section: Introductionunclassified

El salto a la nueva extrema derecha: una aproximación a los votantes de Plataforma per Catalunya

Hernández-Carr¹

2013

Política Soc.

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ResumenEl partido anti-inmigración Plataforma per Catalunya ha experimentado un notable crecimiento electoral a lo largo de los últimos años. A partir de diferentes entrevistas a votantes del partido, el texto trata de descifrar los motivos por los que electores que no guardaban ningún tipo de relación con el ámbito político de la extrema derecha tradicional han pasado a votar a un partido que es socialmente etiquetado como tal. Tres son los grandes ejes explicativos que se desarrollan a lo largo del texto. En primer lugar, diferentes elementos de la trayectoria electoral y valores ideológicos de sus votantes muestran que el partido se está beneficiando de forma directa de procesos como el desalineamiento electoral y la desafección política. Asimismo, estaría consiguiendo posicionarse como una oferta política legítima de cara a vehicular parte del voto de protesta contra los partidos políticos tradicionales. En segundo lugar, el partido ha desarrollado un discurso en relación al "eje nacional" (CatalunyaEspaña) que le estaría permitiendo distinguirse, hasta cierto punto, de la estigmatizada extrema derecha ultra-españolista. Finalmente, el partido ofrece una "respuesta autoritaria" a un electorado que considera que, a raíz de la "masiva" llegada de inmigración, la sociedad ha entrado en una dinámica negativa que amenaza su bienestar en múltiples ámbitos.Palabras clave Nueva extrema derecha, extrema derecha tradicional, xenofobia, desalineamiento electoral, desafección política Voting for the extreme right: an analysis of Platform for Catalonia's voters AbstractThe anti-immigration party Platform for Catalonia has experienced a relevant electoral growth over the past few years. Through a series of interviews with party voters, the text tries to understand the reasons why voters that did not have any relation with the traditional extreme right have come to vote for a party that is socially labeled as such. Three main explanatory factors are developed throughout the text. First, different elements of the electoral path and ideological values of its voters show that the party is benefiting directly from processes such as electoral misalignment and political disaffection and has been able to position itself as a legitimate instrument to canalize part of the protest vote against traditional political parties. Second, the party is developing a stance regarding the "national axis" (Catalonia-Spain) that may be a key feature in its goal of distinguishing itself from the stigmatized ultra-nationalist extreme right. Finally, the party offers an "authoritarian" answer to an electorate that believes that, due to "massive" immigration, society has slipped into a negative path that threatens their personal well-being.

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The subjective cognitive and affective map of extreme right voters: using open-ended questions in exit polls

Cited by 108 publications

References 12 publications

How the LPF Fuelled Discontent: Empirical tests of explanations of LPF support

How the LPF Fuelled Discontent: Empirical tests of explanations of LPF support

Why Some Anti-Immigrant Parties Fail and Others Succeed

El salto a la nueva extrema derecha: una aproximación a los votantes de Plataforma per Catalunya

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