2019
DOI: 10.1017/s1743923x18000909
|View full text |Cite
|
Sign up to set email alerts
|

The Substantive Representation of Women in Poland

Abstract: This article examines the substantive representation of women in Poland after the 2015 parliamentary elections. By looking at the case of the Black Protests, in which tens of thousands of demonstrators, wearing black, defended women's rights by protesting a proposed total abortion ban, it revisits the existing approaches to substantive representation. Hanna Pitkin's definition is used as a starting point, but then broader questions concerning women's interests, agents, and sites of representation are considere… Show more

Help me understand this report

Search citation statements

Order By: Relevance

Paper Sections

Select...
2
1
1
1

Citation Types

0
9
1
1

Year Published

2019
2019
2024
2024

Publication Types

Select...
4
3
1

Relationship

1
7

Authors

Journals

citations
Cited by 18 publications
(11 citation statements)
references
References 49 publications
0
9
1
1
Order By: Relevance
“…To the extent that symbolic representation is “concerned not with who the representatives are or what they do, but how they are perceived and evaluated by those they represent” (Schwindt-Bayer and Mishler 2005, 409), women or minority candidates may reflect stereotypes about governance, inequality, and social inclusion (Krysan 2000; Lefkofridi, Giger, and Holli 2018; McDermott 1998; Sigelman et al 1995). This finding contrasts with the substantive representation described in the preceding text, in which we expect public opinion to be based on a view of representatives as uniquely qualified to deal with group-specific policy issues (Gwiazda 2019). In symbolic representation, the respondent may associate a representative with larger (and vaguer) social concepts (Barnes and Córdova 2016; Krysan 2000).…”
Section: Crafting Support For Greater Formal and Informal Equality Incontrasting
confidence: 77%
See 1 more Smart Citation
“…To the extent that symbolic representation is “concerned not with who the representatives are or what they do, but how they are perceived and evaluated by those they represent” (Schwindt-Bayer and Mishler 2005, 409), women or minority candidates may reflect stereotypes about governance, inequality, and social inclusion (Krysan 2000; Lefkofridi, Giger, and Holli 2018; McDermott 1998; Sigelman et al 1995). This finding contrasts with the substantive representation described in the preceding text, in which we expect public opinion to be based on a view of representatives as uniquely qualified to deal with group-specific policy issues (Gwiazda 2019). In symbolic representation, the respondent may associate a representative with larger (and vaguer) social concepts (Barnes and Córdova 2016; Krysan 2000).…”
Section: Crafting Support For Greater Formal and Informal Equality Incontrasting
confidence: 77%
“…Alternatively, or in addition to the preceding discussion, some issues are seen as ‘belonging’ to a group, for example, abortion as a women's issue or minority economic programs as a racial/ethnic minority issue (Brown 2014; Gwiazda 2019; Swers 2002). In this case, regardless of the voters’ own identity, voters may be supportive of an increased number of representatives who they believe will substantively represent their concerns with that issue because of the assumed congruence between the MP's identity and the issue type (i.e., women MPs and abortion rights as a women's issue).…”
Section: Crafting Support For Greater Formal and Informal Equality Inmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Ilonszki and Vajda (2019) examined women's substantive underrepresentation in Hungary. Gwiazda (2019) discussed the interests, agents and sites of women's representation in Poland. A Polish study on gender equality conducted by Radiukiewicz (2010) showed that PiS female deputies argued that women were not being discriminated against in Poland.…”
Section: Literature Reviewmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The legitimacy of the assumption is also confirmed by a growing number of studies that have focused on the relationship between gender and politics in the region. Thus, we can read about the effects of electoral systems on women's representation (Moser, 2001), gender quotas (Gwiazda, 2017), female substantive representation (Gwiazda, 2019b;Ilonszski, Vajda, 2019), or the descriptive representation of women in the region (e.g. Saxonberg, 2000;Ilonszski, 2006;Jankowski et al, 2019).…”
Section: Pp 2 '20mentioning
confidence: 99%