The syntax of argument structure: Evidence from Italian complex predicates

Folli, Raffaella; Harley, Heidi

doi:10.1017/s0022226712000072

Cited by 19 publications

(9 citation statements)

References 30 publications

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“… The structure in (33) is easily embeddable within recent proposals of the periphrastic passive, such as Folli & Harley , ; Bruening ; and Legate . …”

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confidence: 87%

An Implicit Projected Argument in Spanish Impersonal‐ and Passive‐SeConstructions

MacDonald

2017

Syntax

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This article argues for the presence of an implicit projected argument in Spec,Voice in Spanish impersonal‐ and passive‐se constructions. The main empirical support comes from an available inalienable‐possession interpretation of the sole overt DP when it is a body part in both constructions. This interpretation is only possible in the presence of a syntactically present c‐commanding possessor. I argue that the implicit projected external argument serves as the inalienable possessor of the body part. Neither the periphrastic passive nor the anticausative‐se construction in Spanish allows an inalienable‐possession interpretation of the sole overt DP when it is a body part. In these instances, I claim, no implicit argument projects in Spec,Voice. I discuss how the presence of a projected argument in Spec,Voice is responsible for by‐phrase restrictions in impersonal‐ and passive‐se constructions and person restrictions in passive‐se constructions; the lack of a projected implicit argument in Spec,Voice of both the periphrastic passive and the anticausative‐se construction is responsible for the lack of the person restrictions in both, and the lack of by‐phrase restrictions in the periphrastic passive.

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“… The structure in (33) is easily embeddable within recent proposals of the periphrastic passive, such as Folli & Harley , ; Bruening ; and Legate . …”

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confidence: 87%

An Implicit Projected Argument in Spanish Impersonal‐ and Passive‐SeConstructions

MacDonald

2017

Syntax

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“…2 This facet of the distribution of Ata event nouns has drawn the attention of researchers, mainly with regards to the issue of how the argument structure of these nominalisations is realised in the light verb construction, or, if they do not have one, what is realised in such a construction. This is the concern of syntactic proposals put forth by Samek-Lodovici (2003) and Folli and Harley (2013). They do not address explicitly the issue of why Ata-nominals are the specic event nominals used in Italian for this type of construction, and this is a point on which our paper makes a contribution.…”

Section: The Elective Anitymentioning

confidence: 89%

“…The second piece of evidence is more specic to Italian and concerns the aspectual class of the verbs whose roots can enter the nominalisation, as noted by Gaeta (2002) and Tovena (2014), and contra Folli and Harley (2013). Non-dynamic predicates such as states 23 In other words, Ata-nominalisations consistently denote events of the activity type.…”

Section: Restrictions On the Aspectual Classesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The bike slided down Folli and Harley (2013) have taken the opposite route and dealt with the argumental structure of the two predicates independently. More specically, they claim that the external argument of the light verb is not transferred from the nominalised verb, rather 'the complex predicates formed with both fare and dare are agentive, and both these light verbs select an external argument of their own' (p. 102).…”

Section: A Hybrid Predicatementioning

confidence: 99%

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The Role of Borrowing in the Derivation of Passive Potential Adjectives in Polish

Bloch-Trojnar¹

2020

The Interaction of Borrowing and Word Formation

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The chapter deals with the role of the [±native] marking in the formation of deverbal adjectives terminating in the suffix -alny in Polish and attributes the rise in the productivity of the suffix in the past fifty years to the linguistic influence of English. It is argued that the influx and subsequent adaptation of English verbs coupled with the speakers’ awareness that -able and -alny discharge similar roles in their respective systems of word formation has a role to play in raising the productivity of the suffix. A frequency analysis supported by diachronic information conducted on the National Corpus of the Polish Language reveals that the rule produces twice as many hapax legomena in the foreign subdomain. However, the formation of -alny derivatives on borrowed or adapted stems seems to have given a new impulse to the formation of passive potential adjectives based on native bases. This is due to the fact that, counter to what previous analyses concluded, the rule is operative on transitive eventive verbs forming aspectual pairs irrespective of whether they are [±native].

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“…Myler 2014). This is because it is generally assumed that there is always an elsewhere realization of formatives, and for little v, that elsewhere realization-when there is no lexical root-very often corresponds to some light verb, the choice of light verb being determined by the local linguistic context(Wood 2011;Folli &…”

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confidence: 99%

Microvariation in thehave yet toconstruction

Tyler

Wood

2019

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The have yet to construction, exemplified by sentences such as John has yet to visit his grandmother, is widespread across dialects of English. However, recent studies have revealed that behind this apparent unity, there is significant variation in the syntactic properties of the have yet to construction. Speakers vary with respect to (i) the status of have as an auxiliary or main verb, (ii) the status of negation tests, and (iii) the status of a variety of related yet to constructions. The goal of this paper is to sort out the microsyntax of have yet to across speakers, in the face of contradictory empirical claims and mutually incompatible proposals in the existing literature. We develop an analysis based in part on two wide-scale surveys we have conducted. With respect to have, we show that speakers who can treat it as a main verb can also treat it as an auxiliary, but not necessarily vice-versa. We propose that the variation in this case has to do with where the perfect features are introduced in the clause. With respect to negation, we find that speakers do not treat all the negation tests the same, forcing us to contend with the question of how these tests work. We propose that for most speakers, only the embedded clause is syntactically negative. Negation tests split according to whether they must target the matrix clause, or whether they can target an embedded clause as well. In some cases, the tests reveal the same sentence to be both affirmative and negative, as we expect: the matrix clause is syntactically affirmative, but the embedded clause, which hosts the lexical content, is syntactically negative.

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The syntax of argument structure: Evidence from Italian complex predicates

Cited by 19 publications

References 30 publications

An Implicit Projected Argument in Spanish Impersonal‐ and Passive‐SeConstructions

An Implicit Projected Argument in Spanish Impersonal‐ and Passive‐SeConstructions

The Role of Borrowing in the Derivation of Passive Potential Adjectives in Polish

Microvariation in thehave yet toconstruction

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