The Transformation of America’s Penal Order: A Historicized Political Sociology of Punishment

Campbell, Michael C.; Schoenfeld, Heather

doi:10.1086/669506

Cited by 153 publications

(220 citation statements)

References 73 publications

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214

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“…Indeed, according to Seeds (2016), the logic of bifurcation, which holds that the response to nonviolent crime should be fundamentally different from the response to violent crime, has become the guiding principle of the mainstream reform movement led by bipartisan elites and technocratic reformers. This hypothesis is consistent with the argument that penal change rarely represents a sudden rejection and replacement of past practices and policies (Goodman et al 2014, Campbell & Schoenfeld 2013. It is also bolstered by evidence that states have continued to expand life-without-parole (LWOP) statutes even as they enacted decarcerative reforms pertaining to drug and other nonviolent offenses (Seeds 2016).…”

Section: Bifurcation: Is the Low-hanging Fruit Enough?supporting

confidence: 77%

The Politics, Promise, and Peril of Criminal Justice Reform in the Context of Mass Incarceration

Beckett

2018

Annu. Rev. Criminol.

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Mass incarceration is an unprecedented development, one with myriad adverse consequences. Although the expansion of US penal institutions is largely a function of changes in practice and policy rather than rising crime rates, reversing this trend will nonetheless be challenging. The need for comprehensive sentencing reform is clear, but political limits on legislative remedies and the failure of the courts to notably reduce the scale, or improve conditions, of confinement render these approaches highly uncertain. In the short term, unconventional methods that do not require legislative authorization, such as electing, pressuring, and incentivizing prosecutors to reduce penal severity, may be a promising way of addressing mass incarceration. The return and revitalization of parole or other systems of post-sentence review are also crucial and may be legitimated in terms of the need to incentivize rehabilitation and prevent the unnecessary and costly incarceration of the elderly. The recent mobilization of grass-roots movements for penal change that include those directly affected by both violence and mass incarceration is also auspicious, as their work may help to humanize the justice-involved and undermine the erroneous assumption that crime survivors are well-served by mass incarceration. 235

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Section: Bifurcation: Is the Low-hanging Fruit Enough?supporting

confidence: 77%

The Politics, Promise, and Peril of Criminal Justice Reform in the Context of Mass Incarceration

Beckett

2018

Annu. Rev. Criminol.

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“…Pratt et al, 2005) see sudden rupture, where we and others (e.g. Campbell and Schoenfeld, 2013;O'Malley, 1999) do not.…”

Section: Theorizing Punishmentsupporting

confidence: 46%

The long struggle: An agonistic perspective on penal development

Goodman

Page²,

Phelps³

2014

Theoretical Criminology

104

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Bringing together insights from macro-level theory about "mass imprisonment" and micro-level case studies of contemporary punishment, this article presents a mid-level agonistic perspective on penal change in the USA. Using the case of the "rise and fall" of the rehabilitative ideal in California, we spotlight struggle as a central mechanism that intensifies the variegated (and sometimes contradictory) nature of punishment and drives penal development. The agonistic perspective posits that penal development is fueled by ongoing, low-level struggle among actors with varying amounts and types of resources. Like plate tectonics, friction among those with a stake in punishment periodically escalates to seismic events and long-term shifts in penal orientations, pushing one perspective or another to the fore over time. These conflicts do not occur in a vacuum; rather, large-scale trends in the economy, politics, social sentiments, intergroup relations, demographics, and crime affect-but do not fully determine-struggles over punishment and penal outcomes.

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“…Future research should attend to the region-and state-specific differences we document (Barker 2006;Campbell and Schoenfeld 2013;Garland 2013). Why are black men more than 60 % more likely to serve time in state prison in the Midwest than the West while Latino men are 75 % more likely to serve time in state prison in the West than the Midwest?…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 94%

Geographic Variation in the Cumulative Risk of Imprisonment and Parental Imprisonment in the United States

Muller

Wildeman

2016

Demography

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This article reports estimates of the cumulative risk of imprisonment and parental imprisonment for demographic groups in four regions and four states. Regional and state-level cumulative risks were markedly higher for African Americans and Latinos than for whites. African Americans faced the highest cumulative risks of imprisonment in the Midwest, Northeast, and two southern states. Latinos were most likely to serve time in state prison in the West, where their cumulative risk was comparable to that of African Americans. Latino children had a relatively high risk of having a parent imprisoned in the Northeast as well. Racial disparities in the cumulative risk of imprisonment and parental imprisonment did not increase linearly with increases in the cumulative risk for all groups.

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The Transformation of America’s Penal Order: A Historicized Political Sociology of Punishment

Cited by 153 publications

References 73 publications

The Politics, Promise, and Peril of Criminal Justice Reform in the Context of Mass Incarceration

The Politics, Promise, and Peril of Criminal Justice Reform in the Context of Mass Incarceration

The long struggle: An agonistic perspective on penal development

Geographic Variation in the Cumulative Risk of Imprisonment and Parental Imprisonment in the United States

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