“…58 The existence of different and often conflicting sociopolitical behavior separating native Turkish-Cypriots from immigrants/settlers fuelled the willingness of political figures to mobilize this group through establishing separate political parties that promised better protection of their group interests. 59 In addition, there have been political reactions of various segments of the Turkish-Cypriot community both to the citizenship policy of the TRNC and to the continual flow of immigrants from Turkey to the northern part of Cyprus. Public opinion polls showed that a huge majority of people (92%) was critical of the current citizenship law of the TRNC, which allows Turkish citizens from Turkey to gain TRNC citizenship after they complete at least a five-year residence in northern Cyprus.…”
Section: Family Origin and Perception Of Intercommunal Relationsmentioning
Despite continual territorial division in Cyprus both the EU and CTP-led Turkish-Cypriot governments tried to normalize intercommunal relations. To this end, the CTP government revised radically Cypriot history textbooks. Although this revision received diverse political reactions, the pupils' perceptions of intercommunal relations through history teaching have not been examined so far. This article examines the results of revisions and argues that perceptions of intercommunal relations are significantly correlated with teachers' politico-ideological orientations. It also argues that pupils from native families are more likely to accept novel ideas of the new textbooks than the pupils from immigrant families. The existing process of political socialization of pupils restricts further conciliatory attitudes in intercommunal relations. The responses of Cypriot history teachers in secondary schools and a selected sample of their students to a questionnaire constitute the data.
“…58 The existence of different and often conflicting sociopolitical behavior separating native Turkish-Cypriots from immigrants/settlers fuelled the willingness of political figures to mobilize this group through establishing separate political parties that promised better protection of their group interests. 59 In addition, there have been political reactions of various segments of the Turkish-Cypriot community both to the citizenship policy of the TRNC and to the continual flow of immigrants from Turkey to the northern part of Cyprus. Public opinion polls showed that a huge majority of people (92%) was critical of the current citizenship law of the TRNC, which allows Turkish citizens from Turkey to gain TRNC citizenship after they complete at least a five-year residence in northern Cyprus.…”
Section: Family Origin and Perception Of Intercommunal Relationsmentioning
Despite continual territorial division in Cyprus both the EU and CTP-led Turkish-Cypriot governments tried to normalize intercommunal relations. To this end, the CTP government revised radically Cypriot history textbooks. Although this revision received diverse political reactions, the pupils' perceptions of intercommunal relations through history teaching have not been examined so far. This article examines the results of revisions and argues that perceptions of intercommunal relations are significantly correlated with teachers' politico-ideological orientations. It also argues that pupils from native families are more likely to accept novel ideas of the new textbooks than the pupils from immigrant families. The existing process of political socialization of pupils restricts further conciliatory attitudes in intercommunal relations. The responses of Cypriot history teachers in secondary schools and a selected sample of their students to a questionnaire constitute the data.
“…In the elections of 2003 and 2005, many voters who had not previously supported the party voted for CTP/BG for its promises to 'connect Turkish Cypriots with the world'. It was widely hoped that CTP/BG would resolve the Cyprus problem, lift the isolation of northern Cyprus and the embargoes against it, and connect the Turkish Cypriots to the rest of the world, starting with entry to the European Union (see Ç arkoglu and Sözen 2004;Sözen 2005). In contrast, in 2009 there was a perception that CTP/BG had miserably failed to fulfil its promises, thus causing the 'borrowed' votes to return where they usually belonged-to the centre-right UBP.…”
“…The slogan of the political opposition during the UN Plan negotiations and its election campaign was “ Yes, be annem ” (Yes, my mum), which called for the electorate to say “yes” first to them and then to the UN's reunification plan, therefore, an automatic “yes” also to EU membership (Sözen 2005:476). Yes, be annem resonated well with the self‐determination and the world connectedness aspirations of, especially, middle‐class Turkish‐Cypriots.…”
Section: Analysing Fluctuating National Identities In Northern Cyprusmentioning
The discursive‐constructivist accounts of identity have made a significant contribution to our understanding of how national identities change. Unfortunately, they have also turned our attention away from the role that the global economic system plays in the constitution and transformation of collective identities. This article draws attention to the shortcomings of discursive‐constructivist approaches by scrutinizing the identity transformations that took place within the Turkish‐Cypriot community in Northern Cyprus in the last decade. It suggests that within the context of contemporary globalization and EUropeanization, the (trans‐)formation of national identities cannot be fully understood without taking the functioning of the global capitalist system into account.
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