The view from the border: a comparative study of autonomism in Alsace and the Moselle, 1918–29

Carrol, Alison; Zanoun, Louisa

doi:10.1080/13507486.2011.590184

Cited by 12 publications

(11 citation statements)

References 14 publications

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“…This is in line with prior evidence showing that policies threatening the cultural identity of a group or perceived as discriminatory can lead to a "backlash" (Fouka, 2016). In the case of Alsace-Lorraine (AL), historians describe a strong feeling of regional identity, which is seen as a plausible reaction to the intrusive homogenization policies enforced by the German and later the French government between 1870 and the 1950s (Carrol and Zanoun, 2011;Höpel, 2012;Rothenberger, 1975). Although historical evidences emphasizes the role of homogenization policies, other features of the shock (like the alteration in nation-status and occupation) could also contribute to its effect on identity.…”

Section: Introductionsupporting

confidence: 75%

“…Important pillars of these policies were also, among others, the denial of full democratic representation (Carrol, 2010), the continued use of an intrusive "dictatorship paragraph" by the Germans (Carrol, 2010), and the imposition of a Frenchness Commission after WWI , as well as restrictions on the use of local dialects (Callender, 1927) by the French government after WWI. More details are provided in, e.g., Carrol and Zanoun (2011); Höpel (2012); Rothenberger (1975) and Vajta (2013).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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The Origins of Common Identity: Division, Homogenization Policies and Identity Formation in Alsace-Lorraine

Dehdari

Gehring

2017

SSRN Journal

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Section: Introductionsupporting

confidence: 75%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Origins of Common Identity: Division, Homogenization Policies and Identity Formation in Alsace-Lorraine

Dehdari

Gehring

2017

SSRN Journal

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“…And although parts of the bourgeoisie were Francophile, the overwhelming majority of Alsatians and Lorrainers did not harbour dormant French sentiments. On the eve of the war, most people's collective identities were ‘fluid,’ multilayered and in many cases detached from politics (Carrol & Zanoun, 2011, p.466; Thaler, 2001). The strongest domestic political movement in Alsace‐Lorraine before the war called for greater regional autonomy within a reformed German state (Fischer, 2010, pp.21, 47).…”

Section: Alsace‐lorraine and Strategic Nationalismmentioning

confidence: 99%

Challenging the German Empire: Strategic nationalism in Alsace‐Lorraine in the First World War

Prott

2021

Nations and Nationalism

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This article introduces the concept of ‘strategic nationalism’ to explain the shift of national allegiance of most Alsatians and Lorrainers from Germany to France during the First World War. Combining the historiographical concept of ‘national indifference’ with rational‐choice theories of nationalism, the article examines why a growing number of local citizens came to defy the authorities' relentless demand of national loyalty. Contrary to previous studies that emphasize the dictatorial character of the regime and the passivity of local citizens, the article argues that national attitudes were shaped by strategic interests and highly responsive to shifts in state policy, regional circumstances and the course of the war. From mid‐1918, it was less escalating state repression or dormant Francophile sympathies, but half‐hearted liberalization of policy, the authorities' unfaltering insistence on national loyalty and imminent military and economic collapse that prompted people to see France as an attractive alternative to German rule.

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“…Lower classification leads to e.g., travel bans (Harvey 1999). Regional institutions and administrative personnel 1924: Ministerial declaration by Premier Edouard Herriot imposes a centralized administration, French laws, and institutions (Carrol and Zanoun 2011).…”

Section: Eu Support-eurosceptic Partiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Overcoming History Through Exit or Integration: Deep-Rooted Sources of Support for the European Union

Gehring

2020

Am Polit Sci Rev

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The origins of voter preferences about the vertical distribution of political power in federal systems are not well understood. I argue that negative historical experiences with higher-level governments can raise demands for both exit strategies and a decentralization of power, but also for upward integration. I specify conditions when delegating power upwards, for example, from the nation-state to a supranational level or international organization, can better serve the purpose of constraining nation-state actions to overcome history. Empirically, the quasi-random division of the French regions Alsace and Lorraine allows estimating differences in support for integration with a spatial regression discontinuity design. More negative exposure to nation-state actions causes persistently higher support for European integration in three referenda and less Euroscepticism in EU elections. Survey evidence supports exit and integration as two complementary alternatives. Both options can serve the purpose of moving power away from the government level associated with negative historical experiences.

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The view from the border: a comparative study of autonomism in Alsace and the Moselle, 1918–29

Cited by 12 publications

References 14 publications

The Origins of Common Identity: Division, Homogenization Policies and Identity Formation in Alsace-Lorraine

The Origins of Common Identity: Division, Homogenization Policies and Identity Formation in Alsace-Lorraine

Challenging the German Empire: Strategic nationalism in Alsace‐Lorraine in the First World War

Overcoming History Through Exit or Integration: Deep-Rooted Sources of Support for the European Union

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