2023
DOI: 10.35188/unu-wider/2023/342-0
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The violent legacy of fascism: Neofascist political violence in Italy, 1969–88

Abstract: UNU-WIDER employs a fair use policy for reasonable reproduction of UNU-WIDER copyrighted content-such as the reproduction of a table or a figure, and/or text not exceeding 400 words-with due acknowledgement of the original source, without requiring explicit permission from the copyright holder.

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Cited by 3 publications
(4 citation statements)
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“…parties or lobby groups). Costalli et al (2022) explain that the process of transition from authoritarianism to democracy is often turbulent, with cycles of violence breaking at different points. State repression is often still operating, and, de facto, many citizens might still feel constrained by the state and its security forces.…”
Section: How Repression Affects Post-authoritarian Civic Lifementioning
confidence: 99%
“…parties or lobby groups). Costalli et al (2022) explain that the process of transition from authoritarianism to democracy is often turbulent, with cycles of violence breaking at different points. State repression is often still operating, and, de facto, many citizens might still feel constrained by the state and its security forces.…”
Section: How Repression Affects Post-authoritarian Civic Lifementioning
confidence: 99%
“…2 In doing so, we push scholarship on the historical legacy of war beyond the "violent bias" that is common in conflict studies (Arjona and Castilla 2022). Finally, by focusing on contemporary grassroots political processes and less institutionalized politics, we join recent studies (e.g., Osorio, Schubiger, and Weintraub 2021;Lazarev 2019;Arias and Calle 2021;Costalli et al 2024;Charnysh and Riaz 2023;Wayne, Damann, and Fachter 2023) in shifting attention away from the dominant focus on the persistent effects of wartime experiences on electoral and party 2. Armed resistance is empirically and analytically different from violence and victimization.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…andAlbertus and Schouela (2024).4. Exceptions includeOsorio, Schubiger, and Weintraub (2021),Lazarev (2019),Arias and Calle (2021),Fouka and Voth (2023),Costalli et al (2024), andWayne, Damann, andFachter (2023).…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…We contribute to the literature on the social (e.g., Gilligan et al 2014;Hager et al 2019), political (e.g., Charnysh and Finkel 2017;Rozenas et al 2017), and institutional (e.g., Balcells and Villamil 2022;Costalli et al 2022) legacies of violence by focusing on the murder of a crucial social group rarely considered: local elites. We also speak to the literature on the role of elites in supporting or suppressing mass protests (e.g., Mattingly 2020;Robertson 2010) by studying a unique case-post-WWII Polandwhere large numbers of the national elite were externally removed.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%