The Welsh Office and Welsh Autonomy

Abstract

This article examines the claim that, by the late 1980s, the Welsh Office possessed sufficient autonomy to implement policies that diverged from those of the functional Whitehall ministries. Two case studies, housing and education, are examined as these are areas where institutional autonomy and distinctive needs might be expected to be most apparent in Wales. The conclusion of this article is that the claims of Welsh exceptionalism (certainly in terms of policies) have been much exaggerated and that the ‘centre’, Westminster and Whitehall, was able to impose its preferred policies in Wales, whatever appearances to the contrary.

Evaluating Devolution in Wales

“…However, they are not legally binding and really only impose a requirement to consult on the different governments (Rawlings, 1998). They have codified the best practice that existed intra‐governmentally prior to devolution, however these were far from being a paragon of smooth public management (Griffiths, 1999). Political parties are another institution affecting the bargaining process between the different governments.…”

Welsh Office exceptionalism, economic development and devolution, 1979 to 1997

“…3 Second, exceptionalist policies appeared to have a more corporatist focus, with The Times claiming that Peter Walker had turned Wales into a 'giant laboratory to test his interventionist theories of government' while 'his boast that the spirit of Keynes once more walks the valleys […] infuriated the Prime Minister'. 4 Despite such perceptions, later analysis tended to downplay the extent of exceptionalism, with a 1999 study claiming that central government was able to 'impose its preferred policies in Wales, whatever appearances to the contrary', 5 while Martin Johnes' authoritative Wales since 1939 argued that the key difference over economic development was that the Welsh Office 'boasted about intervention rather than hid it'. 6 However, the extent to which exceptionalism took place within economic development has yet to be fully analysed, as is also the case for the linkages between Welsh Office behaviour and the transformation between 1979 and 1997 of electoral attitudes towards political devolution.…”