The Youth Factor in Zimbabwe’s 2013 Harmonised Elections

Hodzi, Obert

doi:10.20940/jae/2014/v13i2a3

Cited by 16 publications

(12 citation statements)

References 10 publications

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“…In Zimbabwe, these democratic rituals have gone hand in glove with violence and death (Mare, 2018). Instead of being a remedy for reconciliation, a means for voters to hold the government to account and punish non-performing politicians and political parties, Zimbabwean elections have become pathways for increased polarization and tensions (Masunungure, 2014), as well as a means of exchanging and gaining personal material benefits (Hodzi, 2014). However, Zimbabwean citizens’ concerns are being shared, heard and debated on the Internet and social media, which is making it possible to distribute and receive alternative sources of information to government propaganda, disinformation and secrecy.…”

Section: Findings and Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Despite the fact that young people make up a significant part of the eligible voting populace in Zimbabwe and Kenya, research suggests that most of them are not registered to vote. This has been flagged as a sign of waning youth interest in traditional forms of political participation (Hodzi, 2014; Mukhongo, 2014). This low political efficacy among Kenyans and Zimbabweans reinforces Dahlgren’s (2009) claim that when citizens feel that the political system is excluding them, they often react through political resignation.…”

Section: Contextual Background: Zimbabwe and Kenyamentioning

confidence: 99%

“…This low political efficacy among Kenyans and Zimbabweans reinforces Dahlgren’s (2009) claim that when citizens feel that the political system is excluding them, they often react through political resignation. Research suggests that most Zimbabweans are disengaging from electoral politics because they perceive formal political structures as corrupt, ineffective and unrelated to their everyday lives (Hodzi, 2014). It is arguable therefore that political participation in Kenyan and Zimbabwean mainstream politics has been inhibited by the absence of sufficient space for citizen political participation.…”

Section: Contextual Background: Zimbabwe and Kenyamentioning

confidence: 99%

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Facebook and politics in Africa: Zimbabwe and Kenya

Bosch

Mare

Ncube

2020

Media, Culture & Society

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The potential for the Internet to play a role in political life, and the extension of the public sphere, has been widely documented. More specifically, social media has emerged as an arena of political communication, widely used by political parties for campaigning, and also by citizens to choreograph various forms of protest. In the African context, the growth of the mobile Internet has resulted in the rise of social media platforms, most notably Facebook and Twitter. These social networking sites are used for a range of purposes, from personal connectivity, to various citizenship practices, including political debate and activism. It has subsequently been argued that the Internet has contributed to the formation of alternate public spheres, in which citizenship can be practiced in different ways. This article explores the use of Facebook for political discussion in Africa, focusing on Zimbabwe and Kenya, two countries at the forefront of developments with regard to Internet connectivity and digital activism. We explore Facebook as a communicative platform for political discourse, through an analysis of the Facebook pages of two prominent politicians. The article uses Netvizz, a data collection and extraction tool, to extract quantitative data from Facebook pages, and conducts a thematic qualitative content analysis of posts.

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Section: Findings and Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Contextual Background: Zimbabwe and Kenyamentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Contextual Background: Zimbabwe and Kenyamentioning

confidence: 99%

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Facebook and politics in Africa: Zimbabwe and Kenya

Bosch

Mare

Ncube

2020

Media, Culture & Society

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“…These include killing and torturing activists and members of the opposition (Human Rights Watch, 2008;US Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, 2009). ZANU PF Youth Group Hodzi (2014) describes the youth in Zimbabwe as highly corruptible and easily used by conniving politicians. ZANU PF militia mostly comprised of unemployed youth was used to terrorise the opposition in Zimbabwe.…”

Section: The War Veteransmentioning

confidence: 99%

Revisiting Electoral Violence in Zimbabwe: Problems and Prospects

Tirivangasi

Nyahunda

Maramura

2021

Int. J. Criminol. Sociol.

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This study explores theoretical contradictions with realism, regarding the actors or perpetrators of violence when explaining the causes of electoral violence in the Zimbabwean context. These perspectives can be divided into two contesting schools of thought. The first group is mainly made up of rational theories and holds the position that, autocratic governments use electoral violence as a way of influencing electoral outcome. The second position suggests that the weaker political party is the one responsible for electoral violence. This paper then, contributes to the ongoing debate on the causes of electoral violence by advancing the notion that electoral violence should not be seen based on one position but from a multifaceted position. This is because, neither of the two theoretical approaches are wrong but what differs is the context. This paper argues that the idealism of holding one position hinders policy analysis to electoral violence, monitoring and observing election process as it places either, the ruling party or the opposition party as a unit of analysis.

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“…Compared to other parts of the world, the youth constitute the largest percentage of Africa's population (de Bruijn and Both 2017;Dzimiri 2014;Sommers 2007). In Zimbabwe, in 2014, young people aged between 18 and 35 years constituted 53.74 per cent of the country's adult voting population (Hodzi 2014). Yet, scholarly literature and policy documents indicate that the youth (and women) are among the most marginalised populations in terms of occupying political office and having access to economic opportunities (de Bruijn and Both 2017;Sommers 2007).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

4 - Youth Masculinities in Zimbabwe’s Congested Gerontocratic Political Space

Jaji¹

2021

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This article situates its discussion of young Zimbabwean men’s performance of masculinity in a restrictive political space in a broader continental context in which the majority of young people are politically and economically marginalised. It addresses how the older generation’s domination and monopolisation of political space presents obstacles to the youth’s aspiration to perform normative masculinity. The article also discusses various strategies the youth in Zimbabwe are devising to claim space in a political arena that can be characterised as a gerontocracy. The youth seek relevance in Zimbabwe’s congested and gerontocratic political space through strategies that range from co-opting gerontocratic masculinities to subverting them. Notwithstanding the divergence in these strategies, young people who adopt them to create and occupy space in Zimbabwe’s political terrain legitimise their choices by appealing to culture, thus showing how culture can be harnessed for contradictory objectives in the performance of masculinities. The strategies also draw from global trends involving the youth’s engagement in non-traditional political participation facilitated by their dominance of virtual, social media space. Rose Jaji, University of Zimbabwe. Email: rjaji@sociol.uz.ac.zw

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The Youth Factor in Zimbabwe’s 2013 Harmonised Elections

Cited by 16 publications

References 10 publications

Facebook and politics in Africa: Zimbabwe and Kenya

Facebook and politics in Africa: Zimbabwe and Kenya

Revisiting Electoral Violence in Zimbabwe: Problems and Prospects

4 - Youth Masculinities in Zimbabwe’s Congested Gerontocratic Political Space

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