Theta-Marking via Agree

Funakoshi, Kenshi

doi:10.9793/elsj.26.1_1

Cited by 2 publications

(2 citation statements)

References 23 publications

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“…I have argued that a logical predicate on a functional head Hon can select its argument via Agree. This is similar to the idea proposed by Hornstein 1999 and subsequent works (Funakoshi 2009, Larson 2011, Saab 2015) that

\theta

roles are syntactic features assigned to nominal arguments by verbs under some locality. However, I am not committed to extending the current proposal to selection by lexical verbal predicates.…”

Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 85%

Agree feeds interpretation: Evidence from Japanese object honorifics

Ikawa

2022

Syntax

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The operation Agree is generally considered to lack direct semantic effects. Based on the Japanese object-honorific construction, this work claims that Agree can in fact interact with LF interpretation such that some semantic predicates select their arguments via Agree. More specifically, I claim that the object-honorific marker serves as a semantic predicate honor, which selects its arguments via Agree.Based on the distribution of the NP that can trigger object-honorific marking, the object-honorific marker seems to access the object via Agree, as previous studies have argued; I examine, however, the theoretically overlooked observation that object honorification is felicitous only when the object referent is honored by the subject referent as well as the speaker. Based on this observation and the result from previous studies, I argue that object-honorific morphology is semantically a predicate that takes two arguments, an honorer and an honoree, and finds those arguments via Agree.

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\theta

roles are syntactic features assigned to nominal arguments by verbs under some locality. However, I am not committed to extending the current proposal to selection by lexical verbal predicates.…”

Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 85%

Agree feeds interpretation: Evidence from Japanese object honorifics

Ikawa

2022

Syntax

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“…TP) within pseudo-small clause complements. 22 I assume yooni is a Force head (Funakoshi 2009). That this construction patterns with the pseudo-small clause construction in other respects is shown by the following examples:…”

Section: (63)mentioning

confidence: 99%

On the pseudo-small clause construction in Japanese: New evidence for A-movement out of a CP and its theoretical implications

Takahashi

2017

Glossa: A Journal of General Linguistics

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This paper provides new evidence for the availability A-movement out of a CP and considers its theoretical implications. The discussion concerns what I call the "pseudo"-small clause construction in Japanese, which has not received much attention in the literature. The pseudo-small clause construction shows a puzzling constraint on major subjects originating in complement clauses: the major subjects must receive accusative Case from a matrix predicate despite the availability of nominative Case within the complement clauses. To explain this constraint, it is proposed that (i) pseudo-small clauses are phasal CPs and (ii) the major subjects originating in the pseudo-small clause complements must undergo movement into a matrix theta-position, which takes place across the CP phase. It is also suggested that (i) Tense in Japanese moves to C, (ii) Standard Japanese has null complementizers, and (iii) the ban on A-movement out of a CP is explained in terms of the locality of Agree.

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Theta-Marking via Agree

Cited by 2 publications

References 23 publications

Agree feeds interpretation: Evidence from Japanese object honorifics

Agree feeds interpretation: Evidence from Japanese object honorifics

On the pseudo-small clause construction in Japanese: New evidence for A-movement out of a CP and its theoretical implications

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