Thinking ‘Post-Racial’ Ideology Transnationally: The Contemporary Politics of Race and Indigeneity in the Americas

Costa, Alexandre Emboaba Da

doi:10.1177/0896920515591175

Cited by 29 publications

(4 citation statements)

References 37 publications

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“…The foundational premise of the relational method is that happenings in the local are often “tied to extra‐ and trans‐territorial conceptions and expressions […] that revolve in wider circles of meaning and practice” (Goldberg, , p. 253). While being revived in contemporary sociology (Costa, ; Goldberg, ; Lentin, ), the relational method is visible in early critiques of whiteness. Du Bois (/1903), for instance, used the notion of the “colour line” to describe how America was racially divided between White and Black, and how this division was also central to the world order.…”

Section: Globalised Whiteness: a Relational Approachmentioning

confidence: 99%

A relational study of the Black middle classes and globalised White hegemony: Identities, interactions, and ideologies in the United States, United Kingdom, and South Africa

Meghji

2017

Sociology Compass

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In this paper, I explore the experiences of the Black middle classes across the United States, United Kingdom (UK), and South Africa. I argue that the similar experiences the Black middle classes face across these nations are not coincidental but represent the process of globalised White hegemony. Globalised White hegemony refers to how the middle class, transnationally, is often understood as a symbolic category informed by specific White norms, identifications, and practices. I explore globalised White hegemony through three areas of Black middle‐class experience: identity, interactions, and ideologies. Thus, I examine how across the UK, United States, and South Africa, the Black middle classes construct public identities according to White norms, encounter interactions through which their blackness negatively trumps their middle‐class status, and confront classed‐racialised ideologies, which construe the Black middle class as inauthentic. I argue in this paper that central to fleshing out the similarities in Black middle‐class experiences across the globe is engaging in relational sociology, which stresses the globalised nature of contemporary raciality.

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Section: Globalised Whiteness: a Relational Approachmentioning

confidence: 99%

A relational study of the Black middle classes and globalised White hegemony: Identities, interactions, and ideologies in the United States, United Kingdom, and South Africa

Meghji

2017

Sociology Compass

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“…In the case of Montreal, this situation has been documented by various researchers, who have shown not only the gravity of the problem, but also its systemic nature (Livingstone et al, 2018, 2021; Commission des droits de la personne et des droits de la jeunesse, CDPDJ, 2011). Current literature on racial profiling and discrimination in North America relates these problems to issues such as white supremacist ideology (Daniels, 2009; Weed, 2017), racist practices in “democratic” institutions (Henry et al, 1998), post-9/11 security policies (Mamdani, 2004; Nagra, 2017), or neoliberal narratives of alleged post-racialism (Costa, 2016; Donald, 2012).…”

Section: Gramsci In Montrealmentioning

confidence: 99%

External Intimacy: Community-based Intervention Concerning Crime and the Integral State in Quebec

Castillo¹

2022

Social & Legal Studies

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This article deals with the contradictory way in which community-based intervention concerning crime relates to political domination and to the institutions of the State in Quebec, Canada by exploring the pertinence of the Gramscian conception of civil society. Surprisingly, although Antonio Gramsci offers an interesting set of concepts for the study of the relationship between civil society and government institutions, his ideas have rarely been used to understand community intervention in general and that related to public security in particular. Gramscian concepts such as civil society, political society, hegemony, and the integral State strike us as particularly useful in this regard. In our opinion, they offer a much more comprehensive view of the current relationship between community action (civil society) and the criminal justice system (the government) than narratives that insist on the alleged autonomy of civil society and on the weakening of the State. To show the utility of these concepts, we used them to understand community tensions related to racially discriminatory practices by police officers in the multiethnic borough of Montréal-Nord in Montreal.

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“…Paradoxically, then, it is through the camouflaging practices of a post-racial meritocracy – which conjures a utopian vision of a post-racial, society – that race as a category is solidified (Roberts and Mahtani, 2010). Neoliberal ideology’s erasure of race from the political realm – specifically by appealing to an ethos of meritocracy – reinforces race by naturalizing and justifying racial privileges and inequities (Da Costa, 2016; Melamed, 2011). As a result, racism within the racial neoliberal state is defined not by explicit forms of exclusion and/or oppression, but by the refusal to acknowledge the role that race and racism plays in producing and maintaining economic, social, and political inequities (Goldberg, 2007).…”

Section: Racial Neoliberalismmentioning

confidence: 99%

Racial neoliberal philanthropy and the arts for social change

Saifer

2020

Organization

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Major philanthropic organizations are increasingly turning to the arts for social change [AFSC] to address racial injustices ranging from racialized poverty and mass incarceration, to health and educational disparities. This article problematizes the emergence, and increased celebration, of AFSC philanthropy by situating it within successive articulations of racial neoliberalism. Focusing on the Canadian context, I argue that this ‘progressive turn’ in arts philanthropy is the product of a series of neoliberal political-economic and ideological shifts that uniquely punish(ed) the racialized poor on a material level, while simultaneously producing these same communities and their artistic practices as attractive sites of investment for a primarily white and increasingly empowered philanthropic base. Drawing on a series of examples, I show how contemporary approaches to AFSC philanthropy – particularly those that mobilize ‘business-like’ strategies, priorities, and tools in pursuit of social change – function to extend and legitimize the ‘post-racial’ ideological foundations of the racial neoliberal project, resulting in a paradoxical phenomenon that I term ‘racial neoliberal philanthropy’. In addition to making the case for centering race in extant critical work on the political economy of philanthropy, this article – as well as the concept of racial neoliberal philanthropy – highlights how well-intentioned organizational responses to racial injustice can, in fact, reify racial inequities through policies and programming that are seemingly ‘beyond race’.

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Thinking ‘Post-Racial’ Ideology Transnationally: The Contemporary Politics of Race and Indigeneity in the Americas

Cited by 29 publications

References 37 publications

A relational study of the Black middle classes and globalised White hegemony: Identities, interactions, and ideologies in the United States, United Kingdom, and South Africa

A relational study of the Black middle classes and globalised White hegemony: Identities, interactions, and ideologies in the United States, United Kingdom, and South Africa

External Intimacy: Community-based Intervention Concerning Crime and the Integral State in Quebec

Racial neoliberal philanthropy and the arts for social change

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