To see ourselves as others see us: identity and attitudes towards immigration amongst civic nationalists

Abstract

This article examines how different conceptions of national identity can be linked to attitudes towards cultural pluralism. The tensions between more culturally pluralistic societies and sustained support for nationalism represent an important political issue in modern western European politics. Such tensions are of particular relevance for stateless nationalist and regionalist parties (SNRPs) for whom national/regional identity is a major political driver. This article empirically tests the relationship between different conceptions of national identity and attitudes towards cultural pluralism in two SNRPs-the Scottish National Party and the Frisian National Party. The article draws upon evidence from two unique full party membership studies and is supported with evidence from documentary analysis. A key finding is that the manner in which members conceptualise national identity has significant implications for their attitudes towards cultural pluralism, which has the potential of becoming a source of tension within SNRPs. A key implication of the article is that there is evidence that attitudes of general members and officially stated party positions and narratives diverge on issues relating to cultural pluralism and national identity. These tensions could potentially be harmful for the party's overall civic image.

Immigration Threat, Partisanship, and Democratic Citizenship: Evidence from the US, UK, and Germany

“…The largest literature on this question examines immigration and national belonging. A consistent finding in this literature is that immigration is associated with exclusive attitudes about national inclusion (Dinesen et al, 2016; Heath & Tilley, 2005; Jeong, 2013; Schildkraut, 2011; Theiss-Morse, 2009; van der Zwet, 2016; Wright, 2011). Since immigration is an inherently “group centric issue” (Nelson & Kinder, 1996) with attitudes rooted in group identity (Citrin et al, 1997), it is conveyed and perceived as a considerable threat to the autonomy of national identity, affecting outcomes like authenticity (Triandafyllidou, 2003) and levels of political trust (McLaren, 2017).…”

The consequential Nationalist–Globalist policy divide in contemporary Britain: some initial analyses

“…Embracing progressive ideas concerning immigration and the need to be a "post-sovereign" state adhering to norms and rules generated by international organizations build the SNP's case that Scotland is different (Jackson 2014). For more on the embrace of cultural pluralism and values considered post-materialist by Nationalist parties such as the SNP, see van der Zwet (2015).…”

Populism and nativism in contemporary regionalist and nationalist politics: A minimalist framework for ideologically opposed parties

“…While bearing such limitations in mind, I argue that the civic/inclusive-ethnic/exclusive dualism outlined above can, nevertheless, act as a useful heuristic tool to analyse how nationalist and regionalist parties articulate dimensions of their ideology, with the caveat that certain dimensions must be considered as ‘transversal’ that is, potentially belonging to both categories (Franco-Guillèn and Zapata-Barrero, 2014; Van der Zwet, 2016).…”

“…A civic and more inclusive interpretation of this dimension maintains that language can be learned and, rather than a barrier, represents a bridge to belonging to the nation or region. Furthermore, the opportunity to learn language may be linked meeting other civic and inclusive criterion for belonging such as adhering ‘to rules and institutions’ and obtaining residence’ (Van der Zwet, 2016: 1245). On the contrary, alongside other more objective criteria such as birth, race, ethnicity, and ancestry, an ethnic interpretation of language would consider it as ‘a core feature of peoples’ identity’ thus meaning that ‘those who are unable to speak that language’ will not belong to the region or nation (Van der Zwet, 2016: 1246).…”

“…Furthermore, the opportunity to learn language may be linked meeting other civic and inclusive criterion for belonging such as adhering ‘to rules and institutions’ and obtaining residence’ (Van der Zwet, 2016: 1245). On the contrary, alongside other more objective criteria such as birth, race, ethnicity, and ancestry, an ethnic interpretation of language would consider it as ‘a core feature of peoples’ identity’ thus meaning that ‘those who are unable to speak that language’ will not belong to the region or nation (Van der Zwet, 2016: 1246). Linked to these more ethnic and exclusionary conceptions of the nation/region is a key ideological element of nativism.…”