2019
DOI: 10.1080/02589346.2019.1595879
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To Vote or Not? Testing Micro-level Theories of Voter Turnout in South Africa’s 2014 General Elections

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Cited by 12 publications
(9 citation statements)
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“…This is also consistent with the cultural theory of ethnic mobilization which says people become attached to individuals who share the same culture as theirs and so would go along with them at all cost in times of competition. On the contrary [30]. Found that electorates in South Africa were mobilised more along racial than ethnic lines.…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…This is also consistent with the cultural theory of ethnic mobilization which says people become attached to individuals who share the same culture as theirs and so would go along with them at all cost in times of competition. On the contrary [30]. Found that electorates in South Africa were mobilised more along racial than ethnic lines.…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Another key reason to focus on the OAP is the role that the population under study (those aged 50-70 at the time of the surveys) plays on voting. For example, while this age group represents close to 30% of the registered voters, they are the voters more likely to participate and decide elections (e.g., Nhlapo et al, 2017;Schulz-Herzenberg, 2019) Thus, their opinions and views are important for social cohesion and policy decisions, even when most of the anti-immigration acts tend to be conducted by younger groups. Also, Hamoudi and Thomas (2014) show that the OAP plays an important role on household composition as it attracts younger family members to live with grant recipients.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Poukázali na kľúčovú úlohu kategórií, ako je vzdelanie, sociálno-ekonomický status alebo vek, rozširujúcich škálu príležitostí, ktoré jednotliví voliči môžu účasťou na voľbách získať. Preto je tento sociologický prístup k participácii označovaný ako model zdrojov (resource model - Brady et al 1995a Schulz-Herzenberg 2019. Druhá tradičná škola volebného správania vznikla v 50. rokoch na Michiganskej univerzite a prvé závery publikovala v klasickej monografii The American Voter (Campbell et al 2000).…”
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“…Nezavrhuje síce vplyv sociálnych kategórií, s ktorými pracuje kolumbijská škola, ale tvrdí, že tie stoja iba na začiatku reťazca príčin a majú len nepriamy vplyv na psychologické procesy, ktorých výsledkom je rozhodnutie ísť alebo neísť voliť (Brady et al 1995). Model psychologického konania (psychological engagement model) michiganskej školy zdôrazňuje vplyv politických záujmov, angažovanosti i straníckej identifikácie na participácii, ale v zásade nevysvetľuje, prečo niektorí ľudia nakoniec voliť idú a iní nie (Blais 2000a Schulz-Herzenberg 2019. Tretia skupina prístupov vyzdvihuje rolu mobilizačných agentov, akými sú záujmové skupiny, cirkvi, politické strany a iné sociálne siete.…”
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