Tomhaiseannaí as Cois Fhairrge

Bhaldraithe, Tomás de

doi:10.2307/20522023

Cited by 2 publications

(5 citation statements)

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“…(See below for details on the articulatory realization of these sounds.) The descriptive grammatical literature on Irish is consistent with this general understanding: ‘slender’ (palatalized) consonants are described as having a secondary articulation of the tongue resembling that of a high front vowel, ‘broad’ (velarized) consonants as having one resembling a high back vowel (de Bhaldraithe 1945, Breatnach 1947, Mhac an Fhailigh 1980). The Irish dialectology literature also reports some systematic phonetic variation for these secondary dorsal articulations; we return to these claims throughout the paper.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 77%

“…However, there is evidence that at least in some languages dental sounds are regularly accompanied by tongue body backing (Stevens, Keyser & Kawasaki 1986, Dart 1991, Operstein 2010, Lee-Kim 2014). At least /ˠ/ in Connemara Irish is dental (de Bhaldraithe 1945, Ó Raghallaigh 2013), so this evidence may speak against such an explanation rooted in production. An alternative, but complementary, explanation relies on the idea of cue trade-off: /ʲ/ and /ʲ/ have robust cues to their palatalization apart from the second formant displacement associated with tongue body production.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The consonant phoneme inventory of Connemara Irish is given in (1) (de Bhaldraithe 1945, Ó Siadhail 1991, Ní Chiosáin & Padgett 2012, see the latter for discussion). …”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…For example, Ó Siadhail (1991: 83) states that ‘slender [palatalized] labials are hardly ever phonetically palatalized’, and Breatnach (1947) writes ‘in forming the [palatalized bilabial] stop the lips are rather spread, and are kept close to the teeth’. Ó Cuív (1944), Mhac an Fhailigh (1980), and de Bhaldraithe (1945) all suggest that palatalized and velarized labials combine a distinction in lip-rounding with the same dorsal movements found at other places of articulation (at least in the south and west Gaeltacht areas). However, these claims are strictly impressionistic in nature, and as far as we know the production of labial consonants in Irish has never been investigated with instrumental methods.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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An ultrasound study of Connemara Irish palatalization and velarization

Bennett

Chiosáin

Padgett

et al. 2017

Journal of the International Phonetic Association

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We present the first ultrasound analysis of the secondary palatalization contrast in Irish, analyzing data from five speakers from the Connemara dialect group. Word-initial /pʲ(bʲ) pˠ(bˠ) tʲ tˠ kʲ kˠ fʲ fˠ sʲ sˠ xʲ xˠ/ are analyzed in the context of /iː uː/. We find, first, that tongue body position robustly distinguishes palatalized from velarized consonants, across place of articulation, manner, and vowel place contexts, with palatalized consonants having fronter and/or higher tongue body realizations than their velarized counterparts. This conclusion holds equally for labial consonants, contrary to some previous descriptive claims. Second, the nature and degree of palatalization and velarization depend in systematic ways on consonant place and manner. In coronal consonants, for example, velarization is weaker or absent. Third, the Irish consonants examined resist coarticulation in backness with a following vowel. In all of these respects Irish palatalization is remarkably similar to that of Russian. Our results also support an independent role for pharyngeal cavity expansion/retraction in the production of the palatalization contrast. Finally, we discuss preliminary findings on the dynamics of the secondary articulation gestures. Our use of principal component analysis (PCA) in reaching these findings is also of interest, since PCA has not been employed a great deal in analyses of tongue body movement.

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Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 77%

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The consonant phoneme inventory of Connemara Irish is given in (1) (de Bhaldraithe 1945, Ó Siadhail 1991, Ní Chiosáin & Padgett 2012, see the latter for discussion). …”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

See 2 more Smart Citations

An ultrasound study of Connemara Irish palatalization and velarization

Bennett

Chiosáin

Padgett

et al. 2017

Journal of the International Phonetic Association

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“…[ The Lenition of l and n sounds is described for the dialects of Aran (Finck 1899), Erris (Mhac an Fhailigh 1968), and Cois Fhairrge (de Bhaldraithe 1945(de Bhaldraithe /1975(de Bhaldraithe , 1953(de Bhaldraithe /1977 in the west and of Meenawannia (Quiggin 1906), The Rosses (Ó Searcaigh 1925), South Armagh (Sommerfelt 1929), Torr (Sommerfelt 1965), and Tangaveane/Commeen (Hughes 1986) in the north. Many fieldworkers in the first half of the twentieth century found a contrast between lenited and unlenited l and n sounds only among older speakers; it may be nearly extinct today.…”

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confidence: 99%

The independence of phonology and morphology: The Celtic mutations

Green

2006

Lingua

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One of the most important insights of Optimality Theory (Prince & Smolensky 1993) is that phonological processes can be reduced to the interaction between faithfulness and universal markedness principles. In the most constrained version of the theory, all phonological processes should be thus reducible. This hypothesis is tested by alternations that appear to be phonological but in which universal markedness principles appear to play no role. If we are to pursue the claim that all phonological processes depend on the interaction of faithfulness and markedness, then processes that are not dependent on markedness must lie outside phonology. In this paper I will examine a group of such processes, the initial consonant mutations of the Celtic languages, and argue that they belong entirely to the morphology of the languages, not the phonology. Celtic consonant mutationsThe initial consonant mutations of the Celtic languages are of great interest in theoretical linguistics because they appear to be (and are frequently argued to be) phonological rules that apply in morphosyntactic rather than phonological environments. Within phonological theory they are interesting also because many of the individual mutations have different effects on different classes of sounds. Thus, for example, Eclipsis in Irish voices voiceless stops (e.g. p AE b) and nasalizes voiced stops (e.g. b AE m). The Soft Mutation in Welsh voices voiceless stops (e.g. p AE b) and spirantizes voiced stops (e.g. b AE v). The processes are thus not uniform and only partially predictable. In derivational phonology, devising phonological rules to account for the mutations is challenging, but not impossible. Derivational phonology allows its rules to be arbitrary and independent of universal markedness principles. But the advent of OT has forced a rethinking of the nature of phonological processes: according to the new theory, phonological processes are predicted to result from the interaction of markedness and faithfulness. In this paper I will argue that since the morphosyntactically conditioned consonant mutations of Celtic do not result from that interaction, they cannot be phonological. Instead, the mutations are best regarded as being exclusively in the domain of the morphology, not the phonology at all. I will argue that, like inflected forms, mutated forms are listed separately in a word-based lexicon as allomorphs, and that the selection of mutated allomorphs is determined by a form of government similar to that determining the distribution of Case.

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Tomhaiseannaí as Cois Fhairrge

Cited by 2 publications

References 0 publications

An ultrasound study of Connemara Irish palatalization and velarization

An ultrasound study of Connemara Irish palatalization and velarization

The independence of phonology and morphology: The Celtic mutations

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