Towards a theory without adjacency: hyper-contextual VI-rules

Moskal, Beata; Smith, Pete

doi:10.1007/s11525-015-9275-y

Cited by 26 publications

(27 citation statements)

References 15 publications

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“…The causative suffix intervening between the root and the TAM morpheme plays no role in VI in Aqusha, thus confirming the findings of Moskal and Smith (2016) that allomorphy can occur in environments where the immediately dominating head is inert with respect to the choice between allomorphs, contra Merchant 2015. So the question now is how this nonlocal pattern fits in with existing definitions of cyclic domain in VI.…”

Section: The Causative Head Is Not Cyclicsupporting

confidence: 73%

“…Note that her approach already has a number of built-in mechanisms allowing allomorphy triggered by nonadjacent elements and is flexible enough to incorporate much of the attested variation. For example, given the assumption that pronouns are structurally deficient compared with nouns, Moskal's approach correctly predicts that nouns and pronouns will show different patterns of caseand number-driven allomorphy (Moskal 2015a,b); see other examples in Moskal and Smith 2016.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Missing Elsewhere: Domain Extension in Contextual Allomorphy

Ganenkov

2020

Linguistic Inquiry

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Much work in Distributed Morphology ( Embick 2010 , 2015 , Bobaljik 2012 , Harley, Tubino, and Haugen 2017 , Bobaljik and Harley to appear ) holds that morphosyntactically conditioned contextual allomorphy, including suppletion, can only work in a very local fashion: two morphemes must be linearly or structurally adjacent for one to determine the morphological exponence of the other. Recently, however, the existence of nonlocal patterns has come into focus, with growing evidence that nonlocal allomorphy is an attested empirical option. 1 In this squib, I discuss the allomorphy of verb stems in the Nakh-Daghestanian language Aqusha Dargwa and argue that the choice between allomorphs in morphological causatives in that language is determined nonlocally by tense-aspect-mood (TAM), proposing that Vocabulary Insertion (VI) can be exempt from locality requirements under certain conditions.

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Section: The Causative Head Is Not Cyclicsupporting

confidence: 73%

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Missing Elsewhere: Domain Extension in Contextual Allomorphy

Ganenkov

2020

Linguistic Inquiry

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“…This logic will guide our investigation of the Hebrew data. Similar patterns have been discussed by Gribanova (2015) for Russian, by Božič (2016) for Slovenian and by Embick (2010) for a variety of other languages, although arguments have been made that a strong version of the adjacency hypothesis must be weakened (Merchant 2015;Bermúdez-Otero 2016;Grestenberger 2016;Moskal and Smith 2016). See Božič (2017) for a recent synthesis.…”

Section: The Strict Linear Adjacency Hypothesissupporting

confidence: 53%

“…Lexical considerations apply "first" (at Vocabulary Insertion), if the root has exceptional phonology such as that of a specific root class, simply because the root is the deepest embedded element in the structure. No other distinction between roots and function morphemes is necessary (Moskal and Smith 2016;Smith et al 2016). Contextual allomorphy then applies (additional rules of Vocabulary Insertion), followed by the general phonology of the language.…”

Section: Vowels Conditioned By T+agr and The Rootmentioning

confidence: 99%

Templatic morphology as an emergent property

Kastner

2018

Nat Lang Linguist Theory

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Modern Hebrew exhibits a non-concatenative morphology of consonantal "roots" and melodic "templates" that is typical of Semitic languages. Even though this kind of non-concatenative morphology is well known, it is only partly understood. In particular, theories differ in what counts as a morpheme: the root, the template, both, or neither. Accordingly, theories differ as to what representations learners must posit and what processes generate the eventual surface forms. In this paper I present a theory of morphology and allomorphy that combines lexical roots with syntactic functional heads, improving on previous analyses of root-and-pattern morphology. Verbal templates are here argued to emerge from the combination of syntactic elements, constrained by the general phonology of the language, rather than from some inherent difference between Semitic morphology and that of other languages. This way of generating morphological structure fleshes out a theory of morphophonological alternations that are non-adjacent on the surface but are local underlyingly; with these tools it is possible to identify where lexical exceptionality shows its effects and how it is reined in by the grammar. The Semitic root is thus analogous to lexical roots in other languages, storing idiosyncratic phonological and semantic information but respecting the syntactic structure in which it is embedded. * Thanks to Alec Marantz, Maria Gouskova and Michael Becker for their input into Chapter 3 of my 2016 NYU dissertation, on which this paper is based. Thanks also to Edit Doron and Stephanie Harves for their guidance and comments, to Gillian Gallagher for helpful discussions, and to Maria once more for written comments on the manuscript. The ideas presented here benefited greatly from conversations with Hagit Borer,

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“…In a Pruning-based treatment, this question effectively translates into a need to specify the conditions under which Pruning applies. I will tentatively take it that Pruning is a last resort operation, triggered just in case there exists a VI which demands access to more than one node, as in ( 9) (a hyper-contextual VI, in the terms of Moskal & Smith 2016). Whether this approaches a correct statement of the conditions on Pruning on a more general level is a question I leave open.…”

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confidence: 99%

Default by intervention: Allomorphy and locality in the Modern Greek verb

Paparounas

2021

Proc Ling Soc Amer

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An often discussed dimension of the locality conditions on allomorphy is visibility: when do the trigger and target of allomorphy ‘see’ each other? An equally important dimension is intervention: when do the trigger and target stop seeing each other? This paper offers two case studies on intervention from Modern Greek verbal morphology. In Greek, Agr is sensitive to the features of Voice, and T is sometimes sensitive to the identity of the root; but in both cases, allomorphy only takes place when all heads intervening between the target and trigger are null. When at least one intervening head is overt, the target retreats to a default realization. I argue that such patterns, whereby intervention leads to the emergence of a default, are readily understandable in theories where adjacency of heads is a necessary condition for allomorphy, and where only null nodes may be transparent.

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Towards a theory without adjacency: hyper-contextual VI-rules

Cited by 26 publications

References 15 publications

Missing Elsewhere: Domain Extension in Contextual Allomorphy

Missing Elsewhere: Domain Extension in Contextual Allomorphy

Templatic morphology as an emergent property

Default by intervention: Allomorphy and locality in the Modern Greek verb

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