Trade liberalisation and opening in post-soviet limited access orders

Langbein, Julia; Gazizullin, Ildar; Naumenko, Dmytro

doi:10.1080/21599165.2020.1747440

Cited by 4 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 25 publications

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“…Empirically, Langbein, Gazizullin and Naumenko (2021) analyse the effect of trade liberalisation between the EU and Ukraine since 2008 and find support for the theoretical arguments sketched above. In particular, when rent-seeking economic elites with direct links to the political elites are present in the main export sectors, trade liberalisation helps consolidate the pre-existing status quo of limited access to economic and political resources.…”

Section: Domestic Dynamics External Actors: Findings and Insightsmentioning

confidence: 69%

“…Two contributions highlight important sectoral dynamics of interaction between domestic and external forces and actors, focusing on key sectors: trade and security. For trade, the analysis by Langbein, Gazizullin and Naumenko (2021) studies the link between trade liberalisation and political and economic openings. Theoretically, they develop the argument that trade liberalisation helps to consolidate the power position of rent-seeking elites who restrict access to economic and political resources (see also Mazepus et al, 2020).…”

Section: Domestic Dynamics External Actors: Findings and Insightsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Towards open access social orders in Eastern Europe

Toshkov

Димитрова

Börzel

2021

East European Politics

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This article introduces a special issue that investigates the interplay between domestic socio-political orders and changing external influencesof the EU, Russia, Turkey and other external actors in the region. In this introduction, we lay the conceptual framework and propose theoretical mechanisms linking state capacity and the actions of external actors to the likelihood of transformations from limited to open access orders. Previewing the findings, we note a fundamental asymmetry: while external actors have many levers to undermine the establishment of an open access order, they are more limited in how they can support reforms towards liberal democracy and free-market economy.

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Section: Domestic Dynamics External Actors: Findings and Insightsmentioning

confidence: 69%

Section: Domestic Dynamics External Actors: Findings and Insightsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Towards open access social orders in Eastern Europe

Toshkov

Димитрова

Börzel

2021

East European Politics

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“…These differences might be exacerbated by the economic opening of Ukraine as a whole to new trading partners, such as the european Union, which might empower new economic and social actors and import different ideas about municipal and economic governance. 62 In Mykolaiv, for example, multiple business networks form dominant coalitions that use politics to advance their businesses. The overlap between businesses and politics is almost complete while access to politics and business activity is rather limited.…”

Section: Conclusion: Network and Laosmentioning

confidence: 99%

When Business and Politics Mix: Local Networks and Socio-political Transformations in Ukraine

Mazepus¹,

Димитрова

Frear

et al. 2020

East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures

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This article identifies patronage networks in three Ukrainian regions and develops some ideas on the relation between these networks, economic and political openness, and the provision of public goods. The research represents a rich empirical study linking business and politics in three regions (Kharkiv, Mykolaiv, and Ivano-Frankivsk) with different levels of openness and democratic reform. Formal and informal ties between politics and business are identified using primary (interview) and secondary data. By focusing on the local rather than national level in Ukraine, the article provides a comparison between different levels of patronage and type of networks. This study relates the empirical exploration of patronage networks in post-communist setting to a broader theoretical framework of limited access orders. Our findings show that although a multiplicity of networks might be a necessary condition for the opening of access to political and economic resources, it is not a sufficient one. We find that a single dominant network achieves a relatively high level of citizen satisfaction with public service provision, while the presence of multiple networks is not necessarily associated with citizen satisfaction with public goods provision.

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