Trait actualization and self-reference effects

Mueller, John H.; Grove, Tim R.

doi:10.3758/bf03334754

Cited by 6 publications

(8 citation statements)

References 16 publications

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“…Cronbach's alphas for independence and interdependence were r ¼ 0.79 and 0.80, respectively (Watson & Quatman, 2005). Following standard procedures for the selfreference effect (Mueller & Grove, 1991;Wagar & Cohen, 2003), we presented these adjectives randomly on a Dell Dimension laptop using Media Lab software to assess response latencies to independent (e.g., assertive, independent, self-reliant) and interdependent (e.g., compassionate, loyal, adaptable) traits or adjectives. Two control words (peaceful and tired) were always presented first as ''warm-ups'' and were not included in the analyses.…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Parental beliefs about emotions are associated with early adolescents’ independent and interdependent self-construals

Her

Dunsmore

2011

International Journal of Behavioral Development

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We assessed linkages between parents’ beliefs and their children’s self-construals with 60 7th and 8th graders. Early adolescents completed an open-ended, Self-Guide Questionnaire and an independent and interdependent reaction-time measure. The self-guide responses were coded for independent and interdependent traits. Parents reported beliefs about the danger of emotions and parental guidance of emotions. When parents were high in beliefs about danger of emotions, and about parental guidance, early adolescents more rapidly responded to traits, especially interdependent traits. When parents were low in beliefs about both danger of emotions and parental guidance, daughters, but not sons, included fewer independent and interdependent traits in their self-construals. Girls responded faster to interdependent traits and included more interdependent and fewer independent traits in their self-construals than boys.

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Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Parental beliefs about emotions are associated with early adolescents’ independent and interdependent self-construals

Her

Dunsmore

2011

International Journal of Behavioral Development

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“…19, p < .01; Cacioppo & Petty, 1982), introspectiveness (r =. 16, p < .05; Berzonsky & Sullivan, 1992), desire for control (r = .48, p < .001; E. P. Thompson, Chaiken, & Hazlewood, 1993), need to evaluate (r = .35, p < .05; , self-directed religious problem-solving style (r = .25, p < .05; Tolentino et al, 1990), masculinity (but not femininity or androgeny; rs = .34 to .38, ps < .05; Osberg, 1987;Waters & Zakrajsek, 1990), self-esteem (meta-analysis ra,~ = .38, p < .001; Kernis et al, 1992;Mueller & Grove, 1991;Osberg, 1987;, total sensation seeking (rs =. 19 to .25, ps < .05; Crow-ley& Hoyer, 1989;Olson et al, 1984), communication apprehension (high scores reflect low apprehension; r = .33, p < .05; Wycoff, 1992 ), and inner directedness (inner-other social preference, r = .19, p < .05' [Crowley & Hoyer, 1989]; internalexternal correspondence, r = .12, p < .05 [Ickes & Teng,t987 ]).…”

Section: Predictive Validity and Personology: Beyond Cognitive Abilitymentioning

confidence: 99%

“…19 to .25, ps < .05; Crow-ley& Hoyer, 1989;Olson et al, 1984), communication apprehension (high scores reflect low apprehension; r = .33, p < .05; Wycoff, 1992 ), and inner directedness (inner-other social preference, r = .19, p < .05' [Crowley & Hoyer, 1989]; internalexternal correspondence, r = .12, p < .05 [Ickes & Teng,t987 ]). Individuals high in need for cognition also tend to be low in neuroticism (r = -.24, p < .05; Dornic et al, 1991 ), external locus of control (r = -.32, p < .05; Fletcher et al, 1986), and social anxiety (meta-analysis rave = -.35, p < .01; Mueller & Grove, 1991;Mueller et al, 1988;Mueller & Johnson, 1990;Osberg, 1987;, although the association with social anxiety is possibly heightened in elderly people (r = -.62, p < .01; Mueller & Johnson, 1990).…”

Section: Predictive Validity and Personology: Beyond Cognitive Abilitymentioning

confidence: 99%

Dispositional differences in cognitive motivation: The life and times of individuals varying in need for cognition.

Cacioppo¹,

Petty²,

Feinstein³

et al. 1996

Psychological Bulletin

2,018

1,697

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Need for cognition in contemporary literature refers to an individual's tendency to engage in and enjoy effortful cognitive endeavors. Individual differences in need for cognition have been the focus of investigation in over 100 empirical studies. This literature is reviewed, covering the theory and history of this variable, measures of interindividual variations in it, and empirical relationships between it and personality variables, as well as individuals' tendencies to seek andengage in effortful cognitive activity and enjoy cognitively effortful circumstances. The article cotacludes with discussions of an elaborated theory of the variable, including antecedent conditions; interindividual variations in it related to the manner information is acquired or processed to guide perceptions, judgments, and behavior; and the relationship between it and the 5-factor model of personality structure. Speaker A: "If v,e don't accomplish reform, health care costs will soar, ballooning our deficits. But it doesn't seem like any of these reform plans cut costs convincingly. As soon as any plan seems to cut costs, some lobby group clobbers it with scare TV ads. We seem incapable as a society of coherently discussing the substance of our economy. The actual numbers are so big, so complex... ?' Speaker B: "Get real!" Speaker A: "I am! I'm talking about reality! I'm talking about substance!" Speaker B: "Substance isn't real! Polls are real! Election results are real! Who's up. Who's down. That's what's real! Substance is incomprehensible! The purpose of substance is to provide statistical factoids to politicians to toss at one another in partisan battles. Whichever one sounds best wins. And that's what's real!" (Stamaty, 1994, p. 17) Psychology, with its emphasis on information processing, is replete with theories based on the notion that people, if not commonly enjoying, are at least commonly engaging in active information search and effortful problem solving as they steer their course through their environment (e.g., Fishbein & Ajzen, 1975; Whitley & Frieze, 1985). Nearly equally prevalent are psychological theories based on the notion that information acquisition, problem solving, and judgments result much of the time from automatic or preattentive processes or from only cursory attention to the substantive details of the informative environment (e.g.

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“…followed by an adjective (e.g., humble), to which the subject must answer yes or no by pressing a button. Self is always one of the targets (though actual self and ideal self can be rated as separate targets, e.g., Mueller & Grove, 1991), and other typical targets can vary along dimensions of familiarity and intimacy. A highly familiar target of high intimacy might be mother or best friend; a highly familiar target of low intimacy could be a contemporary figure with a high media profile (such as Tony Blair or David Beckham); and an unfamiliar target, necessarily of low intimacy, might be the experimenter.…”

Section: Memory Biasesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Non-depressives can also show biases in memory toward negative self-referent content under certain conditions. Mueller and Grove (1991), for example, asked participants to make trait-word decisions for both actual self and ideal self, thereby presumably making discrepancies salient (cf. Higgins et al, 1997); they found that participants had better recall for undesirable trait words descriptive of actual self and for desirable trait words descriptive of ideal self.…”

Section: Summarizementioning

confidence: 99%

The Experimental Investigation of Religious Cognition

Gibson¹

2018

Preprint

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Religious cognition may be defined as the cognitive processes and representational states involved in religion-related knowledge, beliefs and attitudes, behaviours, and experience. Religious content and information processing occurs both at an intellectual, propositional level and also at an affect-laden, implicational level. Many questions are unanswered in our understanding of religious cognition, but fundamental to them all is the question of how religious cognition can be measured. Psychology of religion has primarily used questionnaires to measure religious belief, but many limitations suggest the need for new methods that can tap into implicational religious cognition, such as God schemas, as well as propositional religious cognition, such as God concepts. The purpose of this investigation was to explore which experimental paradigms most successfully tap into implicational religious cognition, and thereby add a new set of measurement tools to those available to the psychologist of religion. A consideration of research into the schematic representation of self and other persons suggested multiple hypotheses that could be tested using experimental paradigms adapted from the social cognition and cognition and emotion literatures. I present findings from a series of five experiments that measured cognitive biases in attention, memory, and judgement speed that were hypothesized to result from implicational religious cognition.Two experiments adapted the emotional Stroop paradigm to explore the possibility of a religious Stroop effect. While evangelical Christians, non-evangelical Christians, and atheists did not differ in interference when colour-naming emotionally valent religious material, in a subsequent unexpected recall test evangelicals showed enhanced recall for religious but not control material. Three experiments adapted the self-reference effect paradigm to investigate the accessibility and centrality of God schemas relative to self-schemas. Though evangelical and non-evangelical Christians had relatively similar propositional beliefs about the character of God, the pattern of evangelicals’ speed in making God-referent judgements and subsequent recall of God-referent material suggested that their God schemas were better-elaborated, more efficient, and more affect-laden than those of non-evangelicals. Atheists were able to draw consistently on two different concepts of God, but did so slowly and with poor subsequent recall, indicating that their God schemas were poorly elaborated, inefficient, and affect-free.Though much research exploring these biases is still to be done, the findings of the current investigation suggest that incidental memory and judgement speed paradigms are successful in tapping into implicational religious cognition and can reveal differences not otherwise observable through more direct measurement.

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Trait actualization and self-reference effects

Cited by 6 publications

References 16 publications

Parental beliefs about emotions are associated with early adolescents’ independent and interdependent self-construals

Parental beliefs about emotions are associated with early adolescents’ independent and interdependent self-construals

Dispositional differences in cognitive motivation: The life and times of individuals varying in need for cognition.

The Experimental Investigation of Religious Cognition

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