Original citation:The definitive, peer-reviewed and edited version of this article is published as: Datta, Ayona ( LSE has developed LSE Research Online so that users may access research output of the School. Copyright © and Moral Rights for the papers on this site are retained by the individual authors and/or other copyright owners. Users may download and/or print one copy of any article(s) in LSE Research Online to facilitate their private study or for non-commercial research. You may not engage in further distribution of the material or use it for any profit-making activities or any commercial gain. You may freely distribute the URL (http://eprints.lse.ac.uk) of the LSE Research Online website. This document is the author's final manuscript accepted version of the journal article, incorporating any revisions agreed during the peer review process. Some differences between this version and the published version may remain. You are advised to consult the publisher's version if you wish to cite from it. access to social and cultural capital in specific localised contexts. Thus subjective perceptions of gendered, ethnic, and racial notions of "others" that are carried across national boundaries are reinforced or challenged as their encounters with "others" produce perceptions of marginalisation or empowerment in these places. This paper finally suggests that cosmopolitanism should be understood not simply through class but rather through access to power and capital in everyday localised contexts.
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PLACES OF EVERYDAY COSMOPOLITANISMS: EAST-EUROPEAN CONSTRUCTION WORKERS IN LONDON
INTRODUCTIONCosmopolitanism, in its most fundamental sense implies openness to difference. As the process of enlargement of social, cultural, and personal agendas, and as infinite ways of becoming open to "others" (Pollock et. al, 2000), cosmopolitanism has recently made a comeback in studies on globalisation and cultural politics. Traditionally, cosmopolitans have been conceptualised as elites (Beck, 2002;Hannerz, 2007) who "pursue refined consumption, and are open to all forms of otherness" (Hiebert, 2002, p212), but various scholars now suggest that global elites ironically have limited engagement with the "other", and a "rather 2 restricted corridor of physical movement" (Vertovec and Cohen, 2002, p7; also Calhoun, 2002) between global cities. A recent surge of scholarly work on migration focussing on migrants" transnational spatial practices (Kelly and Lusis, 2006;Wilding, 2007), social and political identities Mohan, 2006;Vertovec, 2001), and relationships with the State (Koser, 2007;Leitner and Ehrkamp, 2006;Morris, 1997;Zierhofer, 2007), suggest that working-class migrants while maintaining "intense linkages and exchanges with sending and receiving contexts" (Vertovec, 2001, p575) also perform varieties of cosmopolitan behaviours. Scholars now suggest that these "working-class cosmopolitans" (Werbner, 1999) are open to difference neither as an ethico-political project, nor as conscious choice, but as a practical orientation towa...