Transnational Social Movement Organizations and  Counter-Hegemonic Struggles Today

Gemici, Basak; Plummer, Samantha; Hughes, Melanie M.

doi:10.5195/jwsr.2018.850

Cited by 20 publications

(10 citation statements)

References 14 publications

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“…(p. 693) Furthermore, some authors argue that most sceptics' organisations are funded by businesses with a common interest in advancing natural resource exploitation (Antilla, 2005;Rahmstorf, 2012). A more conservative ideology's hegemony over climate change should be read in relation to its counter-hegemony, which seeks to redefine power relations in climate change governance (Smith et al, 2018). To that end, the second section of the article discusses (1) the concept of hegemony and the media, (2) perceptions of climate change with a focus on the UK context, and (3) some hypotheses.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Lack of ‘common sense’ in the climate change debate: Media behaviour and climate change awareness in the UK

Ruiu

Рагнедда

2022

International Sociology

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Based on an online survey conducted among a representative sample in the United Kingdom ( n = 1013), this article investigates the role of traditional and new media in predicting climate change awareness. It suggests that individuals make choices under an ideological convincement that is organised within specific cultural and political-economic boundaries. It shows that the Gramscian concept of cultural hegemony is still valuable to make sense of an incessant process of formation and fragmentation of equilibria between social groups. Interpreting hegemony as a not totalitarian communicative process also suggests that the media represent a ground for counterhegemonies to flourish and trigger political transformation. This study constructs two indexes of both scepticism and advocacy of climate change by showing some traits of these two perspectives in the United Kingdom. It also shows that the division between sceptics and advocates’ convincement is not ‘black and white’, but a transitional space exists between hegemonic and counter-hegemonic forces.

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Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Lack of ‘common sense’ in the climate change debate: Media behaviour and climate change awareness in the UK

Ruiu

Рагнедда

2022

International Sociology

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“…These findings speak to scholars of TSMOs, democratization, and the spread of global norms. One interpretation of these findings that TSMO activities do not only or even primarily promote top-down forms of democracy defined by political responsiveness through the election of representatives, but instead promote a more "counter-hegemonic" discourse that argues for political order based on citizens' direct expression of political preferences (Smith et al, 2018). In the future, students of democracy and human rights would do well to further theorize mechanisms of political and social change that take into account salient variation in top-down and bottom-up processes.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The results are substantively similar. 24 For more details on the TSMO dataset, see Smith, Plummer, and Hughes (2017) and Smith et al (2018). 25 We interpolate missing (even) years assuming that a country reported as being a member of a TSMO will remain so until the data reports them as not being one.…”

Section: Control Variablesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Activists Against Autocrats: TSMO Networks and Democratic Diffusion

Pinckney

Chin

2021

Front. Polit. Sci.

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Do transnational social movement organizations (TSMOs) promote the international diffusion of democracy? If so, how? Scholars of democratization have studied a plethora of international factors in the spread of democracy, including geographic or regional proximity, colonial history, trade and alliance networks, and joint inter-governmental organization (IGO) memberships. Few have studied the role of TSMO networks in democratic diffusion. We theorize that TSMOs empower and connect civil societies and thus promote democracy from the “bottom up.” Leveraging a new TSMO Dataset and data on the dimensions of democracy from the Varieties of Democracy project over the 1953–2013 period, we find that TSMOs promote democratic diffusion. TSMOs are strongest at diffusing participatory democracy. TSMOs also contribute to the diffusion of electoral democracy but do so by promoting the diffusion of freedom of association and freedom of expression rather than elections.

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“…) Transnational Social Movement Organization Dataset . Smith and Wiest code a subset of INGOs they call transnational social movement organizations, “whose aims were to promote some form of social or political change, broadly defined” (Smith et al, 2018: 380). These INGOs seem the most likely to effect meaningful changes in the distribution of political power within societies.…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Although few INGOs focus explicitly on poor people, some scholars regard INGOs in general as “counterhegemonic” forces that resist neoliberalism (Bandelj et al, 2011; Pinheiro et al, 2015; Smith et al, 2018). In this vein, Pinheiro et al (2015) find that the more INGO linkages a country has, the less likely it is to liberalize international capital flows.…”

Section: Gender and Socioeconomic Equality: Distinct Trajectoriesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Political equality for women and the poor: Assessing the effects and limits of world society, 1975–2010

Cole

Perrier

2019

International Journal of Comparative Sociology

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Empirical tests of world society theory routinely analyze the effects of country-level linkages to international nongovernmental organizations (INGOs) on countries’ policies and practices. Analysts regard INGOs as “conveyor belts” that transport cultural models and scripts to countries around the globe. We modify this mechanistic interpretation by shifting focus to the broader institutional and cultural environments in which INGOs operate. Using data for an unbalanced panel of 126 countries between 1975 and 2010, we examine the effect of INGO linkages on the distribution of political power by gender and socioeconomic status. We find that INGOs are much stronger predictors of political equality for women than for the poor, and we argue that these differential effects reflect broader world-cultural conditions. Women’s rights are highly institutionalized in world society, which enhances the effectiveness of INGOs. Socioeconomic rights discourses, conversely, are comparatively less institutionalized and more contested, especially following the neoliberal turn.

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Transnational Social Movement Organizations and Counter-Hegemonic Struggles Today

Abstract: World-systems analysts have drawn our attention to the importance of the long

Cited by 20 publications

References 14 publications

Lack of ‘common sense’ in the climate change debate: Media behaviour and climate change awareness in the UK

Lack of ‘common sense’ in the climate change debate: Media behaviour and climate change awareness in the UK

Activists Against Autocrats: TSMO Networks and Democratic Diffusion

Political equality for women and the poor: Assessing the effects and limits of world society, 1975–2010

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